#everydayquiz #theHindu #IndianExpress #BusinessStandard #TheDNA
The Hindu: The curious case of Mr. Isa’s
visa
The decision to revoke the
visa issued to Chinese dissident Uyghur
leader Dolkun Isa has averted
a bigger diplomatic face-off with Beijing. It has also put an uncomfortable
spotlight on the Central government’s handling of such a sensitive issue.
There
is, first, the question of how Mr. Isa’s application slipped through the cracks
of India’s much vaunted ‘e-visa’ system. If, indeed, as the government now
claims, the visa approval was inadvertent, then it must be investigated how the
system did not flag an application from a person with a Red Notice from
Interpol. Second, the episode exposes a failure of coordination between the
External Affairs and Home Ministries and the intelligence agencies, which
failed to detect and vet applications of all those seeking to attend a
high-profile conference in Dharamsala, with participants representing Taiwan
and the Tibet and Uyghur regions. While India prides itself on support to
groups fighting for freedom of expression around the world, it also has a
stringent system of scrutiny for those entering the country. On the other hand,
if, as sources in the government were quoted widely as saying, the visa
decision was deliberate and meant to be a response to China blocking a proposed
United Nations ban on Masood Azhar, then that too must be explained. Was the
decision meant to indicate a shift in India’s China policy, as well as in its
security policy on Interpol notices? If so, were all concerned government
agencies informed of the shift in policy? Equally, if the decision to grant the
visa to Mr. Isa and his colleagues of the World
Uyghur Congress was a
carefully deliberated decision, what prompted the move to revoke it? It has
been suggested that the revocation came in response to China’s outraged
response. Given the alarm domestically and from Beijing over, for diverse
reasons, the issue of the visa and its revocation, the government must face
these and other uncomfortable questions.
There is a
larger principle, however, that the government appears to be in danger of
ignoring. In its efforts at the United Nations to ratify a Comprehensive
Convention on International Terrorism, India has often made the case that it
refuses, on principle, to encourage separatism or interfere in other countries’
internal matters. This is part of the country’s larger case that all charges of
terrorism must be treated equally, that there can be no distinction between
“good” and “bad” terrorists. Delhi may well protest China’s cover to terrorists
based in Pakistan, such as Hafiz Saeed and Masood Azhar. But it must think
carefully before adopting the path that China or Pakistan have. Its moral
positions on terrorism, and its refusal to bend its principles regardless of
provocations from repeated terror attacks, have benefited its global outreach
on crucial issues, including security. To lose this would be a huge setback. An
“eye for an eye”, “tit for tat” policy in this regard is unlikely to bring
India the justice it demands, however justified that demand is.
revoke
› to say officially that an agreement,
permission, a law, etc. is no longer in effect:
The authorities have revoked their original
decision to allow development of this rural area.
dissident
› a person who publicly disagrees with and
criticizes their government:
political dissidents
avert
(PREVENT)
› to prevent something bad from happening:
to avert a crisis/conflict/strike/famine
vaunted
› praised often in a way that is considered
to be more than acceptable or reasonable:
His (much) vaunted new plan has been shown
to have serious weaknesses.
inadvertent
› not intentional:
All authors need to be wary of inadvertent
copying of other people's ideas.
vet
› to examine something or someone carefully
to make certain that they are acceptable or suitable:
During the war, the government vetted all
news reports before they were published
The Hindu: The Malegaon reminder
On September 8, 2006, three
bombs shattered the calm in Malegaon
town on the occasion of
Shab-e-Baraat, a day when believers are out and about late in the evening. A
mosque was attacked, and the intent was immediately clear: to create
inter-community tension. The Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad arrested a group
of Muslim men from Malegaon and Mumbai. This week, all nine accused have been
acquitted by a special MCOCA
court, which said there was not sufficient ground to proceed against them.
It is, at one level, evidence of the balance of justice weighing in on the side
of the innocent, though how to recompense a person for five years of wrongful
confinement in jail is a question the judicial system must grapple with. In
fact, one of the nine passed away last year. At another level, events over the
intervening decade string together a narrative that this country has still not
come to grips with. The questions it frames are best set against the chronology
of events after that Shab-e-Baraat evening. As terror attacks hit the Samjhauta
Express near Panipat (February 2007), the Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad (May 2007),
the Ajmer Dargah (October 2007), and then Malegaon once again in September
2008, it eventually became clear that the investigating agencies were on the
wrong track in pursuing the accused for these incidents. This was a time when
the police had also managed to crack down on the Indian Mujahideen for a series
of strikes in cities across the country, but it became evident after Swami
Aseemanand’s confession that fringe Hindu groups were at work doing their bit —
whether in part-retaliation or only for the larger plan to polarise communities
is beside the point. The eventual crackdown on both the Indian Mujahideen and
these fringe Hindu groups has helped keep the peace in urban India. But the
lack of haste in freeing men who were unfairly charged, and the simultaneous
politicisation of cases of “Hindu” and IM terror, pose troubling questions. The
most important of them is: how to restore faith in the neutrality of Indian
investigation.
The events
of the past decade have brought the intelligence agencies into controversies
over political interference. India is an exception among mature democracies in
that its intelligence agencies function without any external oversight,
especially that of the elected legislature. The Malegaon acquittal, and the
question of how to make amends for putting innocent men in prison for so long,
should compel Parliament to demand oversight. An apolitical oversight would
ensure that intelligence agencies do not get carried away by a myopic narrative
of terrorism — unwittingly or by direct influence. Groups carrying out
terrorist attacks are becoming ever more sophisticated in their operations and
more subtle in furthering a divisive agenda. A similar sophistication to deal
with the changing nature of the terrorist threat is needed. By the example of
best practices elsewhere, parliamentary oversight needs to be part of the
updated playbook.
shattered
adjective (BROKEN)
› broken into very small pieces:
Shattered glass lay all over the road
out
and about
› active; doing the things you usually do:
The doctor says she's making a good
recovery, and she should be out and about in a few days' time.
acquit
› to decide officially in a law court that
someone is not guilty of a particular crime:
She was acquitted of all the charges against
her.
grapple
› to fight, especially in order to win
something:
The children grappled for the ball.
apolitical
› not interested in or connected with
politics, or not connected to any political party:
The organization insists that it is
apolitical and does not identify with any one particular party
subtle
> not loud, bright, noticeable, or obvious
in any way:
The room was painted a subtle shade of
pink.
The play's message is perhaps too subtle to
be understood by young children.
› small but important:
There is a subtle difference between these
two plans.
> achieved in a quiet way that does not
attract attention to itself and is therefore good or clever:
a subtle plan/suggestion
Business Standard: Balancing power
In the Westminster system of
government, the Speaker of the
legislature has considerable power and independence. This is a cherished
product of a long process to secure the legislature's independence and
fairness. However, as recent events in this country show, this important
independence depends crucially on the occupants of the office staying carefully
within their traditionally highly circumscribed role. The considerable
discretion they enjoy comes with the assumption that it will be used sparingly
or wisely.
However, there are at least two recent instances in which Speakers of the legislature have used this discretion to take debatable decisions. The first instance is from the state of Uttarakhand, which was thrown into crisis when the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly refused to allow a division - the counting of legislators' votes - on the state budget. The Congress-led government of the state had reportedly lost the confidence of several members of the legislative party; it was possible that the Appropriations Bill would have been defeated had votes been counted, and the government would thus have had to resign since it was a money Bill. By refusing to grant a division, the Uttarakhand Speaker in effect declared the budget passed and insulated the government from a key test of democratic legitimacy. The second instance is at the Centre, where the Speaker of the Lok Sabha has permitted a proposed law, the Aadhaar Bill, to be introduced in the House as a money Bill. Whether regulatory legislation such as Aadhaar meets the definition of a money Bill - traditionally reserved for proposals that alter taxation, borrowing, or affect theConsolidated Fund of India - is doubtful. But, just as it is a Speaker's traditional right and duty to determine when a division is needed, her decision on whether a bill is a money Bill has also traditionally been considered to be the last word. It is worth noting that the two major national parties are on opposite sides of the fence in terms of the debate at the state and the Centre - in Uttarakhand, the Congress is defending the rights of the Speaker, while in Delhi it is questioning them - indicating that this is possibly a problem of institutional weakness that transcends political parties.
Unfortunately, India now faces a situation where the decisions of the traditionally independent Speaker of the House are being discussed by another branch of government, namely the judiciary. The Supreme Court has stayed an Uttarakhand High Court judgment that rescinded President's Rule imposed on the state after the Speaker's controversial ruling. Meanwhile, it has asked the Union attorney general for his views on a petition filed by a Congress leader questioning the introduction of the Aadhaar Bill as a money Bill. So the judiciary and the executive will now discuss a decision that has traditionally been the sole prerogative of the Speaker of the legislature. The elements of a full-blown constitutional crisis are visible. What is needed is to get ahead of the problem. Perhaps the tradition of the Speaker being notionally completely independent of the other branches needs to be revisited. Rather than letting things deteriorate and forcing the judiciary to get involved, the legislature itself should consider what checks and balances can be imposed on the Speaker's discretion in order to ensure such situations are not repeated.
However, there are at least two recent instances in which Speakers of the legislature have used this discretion to take debatable decisions. The first instance is from the state of Uttarakhand, which was thrown into crisis when the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly refused to allow a division - the counting of legislators' votes - on the state budget. The Congress-led government of the state had reportedly lost the confidence of several members of the legislative party; it was possible that the Appropriations Bill would have been defeated had votes been counted, and the government would thus have had to resign since it was a money Bill. By refusing to grant a division, the Uttarakhand Speaker in effect declared the budget passed and insulated the government from a key test of democratic legitimacy. The second instance is at the Centre, where the Speaker of the Lok Sabha has permitted a proposed law, the Aadhaar Bill, to be introduced in the House as a money Bill. Whether regulatory legislation such as Aadhaar meets the definition of a money Bill - traditionally reserved for proposals that alter taxation, borrowing, or affect theConsolidated Fund of India - is doubtful. But, just as it is a Speaker's traditional right and duty to determine when a division is needed, her decision on whether a bill is a money Bill has also traditionally been considered to be the last word. It is worth noting that the two major national parties are on opposite sides of the fence in terms of the debate at the state and the Centre - in Uttarakhand, the Congress is defending the rights of the Speaker, while in Delhi it is questioning them - indicating that this is possibly a problem of institutional weakness that transcends political parties.
Unfortunately, India now faces a situation where the decisions of the traditionally independent Speaker of the House are being discussed by another branch of government, namely the judiciary. The Supreme Court has stayed an Uttarakhand High Court judgment that rescinded President's Rule imposed on the state after the Speaker's controversial ruling. Meanwhile, it has asked the Union attorney general for his views on a petition filed by a Congress leader questioning the introduction of the Aadhaar Bill as a money Bill. So the judiciary and the executive will now discuss a decision that has traditionally been the sole prerogative of the Speaker of the legislature. The elements of a full-blown constitutional crisis are visible. What is needed is to get ahead of the problem. Perhaps the tradition of the Speaker being notionally completely independent of the other branches needs to be revisited. Rather than letting things deteriorate and forcing the judiciary to get involved, the legislature itself should consider what checks and balances can be imposed on the Speaker's discretion in order to ensure such situations are not repeated.
discretion
(CAREFUL BEHAVIOUR)
>the ability to behave without causing
embarrassment or attracting too much attention, especially by keeping
information secret:
"Can you trust him with this?"
"Yes, he's the soul of discretion (= he will not tell other
people)."
sparing
› using very little of something:
Be sparing with the butter as there isn't
much left.
insulate
(COVER)
› to cover and surround something with a
material or substance in order to stop heat, sound, or electricity from
escaping or entering:
You can insulate a house against heat loss
by having the windows double-glazed.
prerogative
› something that certain people are able or
allowed to do or have, but is not possible or allowed for everyone:
Alex makes all the big decisions - that's
his prerogative as company director.
Indian Express: Law and disorder
Two days after Rezaul Karim Siddique, a professor, was hacked to
death in Bangladesh and within weeks of social activist Nazimuddin Samad being
murdered, machete-wielding attackers have claimed two more lives: Xulhaz
Mannan, a leading gay rights activist and editor of the country’s first LGBT
magazine, Roopbaan, and his colleague Tanay Mojumdar. They join a lengthening
list of so-called secular and atheist bloggers and activists killed brutally.
The Bangladesh government insists that the Islamic State (IS) doesn’t exist in the country, even though the IS has
claimed responsibility for some of the killings.
There was considerable public support for Prime Minister Sheikh
Hasina’s Awami League government when it embarked on the war crimes trials to
bring to justice collaborators responsible for genocide in the 1971 liberation
war. That popular support was extended to the crackdown on the Islamist allies
of the opposition, especially when the latter took violently to the streets.
However, the same administration that has increasingly used the crackdown to
shrink the democratic space, has adopted a softer, helpless tone now towards
extremists after failing to fulfil the state’s most fundamental duty towards
citizens — of providing security. Hasina’s home minister, and even the PM
herself, have made remarks tantamount to blaming the bloggers for their own
deaths, presumably fearing the extremist constituency in the electorate.
These murders take place against a backdrop of increasing Islamist
attacks on minorities, whether Shia or Ahmadi Muslims, Hindus or Christians.
It’s imperative for the government to confront the full extent of the militancy
and not view the unfolding carnage through the prism of politics and the
political identity of the perpetrators. It should begin by providing security
to the remaining bloggers on the Islamists’ widely circulated “list of 84”,
four prominent bloggers of which were killed last year alone.
embark
on/upon sth
› to start something new or important:
We're embarking upon a new project later
this year.
genocide
› the murder of a whole group of people,
especially a whole nation, race, or religious group:
victims of genocide
tantamount
to sth
› being almost the same or having the same
effect as something, usually something bad:
Her refusal to answer was tantamount to an
admission of guilt.
backdrop
› the general situation in which particular
events happen:
Their love affair began against a backdrop
of war.
imperative
(URGENT)
>extremely important or urgent:
[+ that] The president said it was imperative
that the release of all hostages be secured.
confront
> to face, meet, or deal with a
difficult situation or person:
As she left the court, she was confronted by
angry crowds who tried to block her way.
carnage
› the violent killing of large numbers of
people, especially in war:
The Battle of the Somme was a scene of
dreadful carnage.
perpetrator
› someone who has committed a crime or a
violent or harmful act:
The perpetrators of the massacre must be
brought to justice as war criminals.
The DNA: Pakistan has a China connection to nuclear trouble
Pakistan
held its annual military day parade and displayed its new medium-range nuclear
missiles last month, and it barely made a splash in Washington. But at least
one analyst was paying close attention. Richard Fisher, an expert on Chinese
military technology at the International Assessment and Strategy Center, began
studying the public satellite photographs of the Shaheen III missiles and came
to an alarming conclusion: The transport-erector-launcher, or TEL, for the
Pakistani mobile rocket matched a Chinese design that Beijing had exported in
2011 to North Korea.
Specifically,
Fisher found that the Chinese, North Korean and Pakistani TELs shared the same
foothold shape, the same chassis slope and the same exhaust processing system
over the engine compartment.
Now, two
leading Republicans in Congress are asking the Pentagon, the State Department
and the director of national intelligence to look into Fisher’s findings. I
obtained a copy of the letter from Representative Mike Rogers of Alabama,
chairman of the House Armed Services subcommittee on terrorism and strategic
forces, and Ted Poe of Texas, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs
subcommittee on nonproliferation and trade.
Poe and
Rogers are alarmed. While China and Pakistan have cooperated on military
technology for decades, and China’s government announced in 2013 it would be
assisting with the construction of nuclear power plants in Karachi, the extent
of China’s cooperation with Pakistan’s nuclear weapons programme has always
been murky. Since the 1980s, the US government has had its suspicions that
China assisted Pakistan’s nuclear weapons programme. But US presidents have
also certified publicly since the 1980s that China was not a nuclear
proliferator.
If Fisher’s
research is confirmed, then it would be evidence that China has been assisting
Pakistan’s nuclear programme and continues to do so to this day. “We are deeply
concerned that the TEL displayed in Pakistan was acquired from China,” Poe and
Rogers wrote to Secretary of State John Kerry, Secretary of Defense Ashton
Carter and Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper. “The transfer of
an item as advanced and significant . . . would require the approval from the
highest levels of China’s government if not also the People’s Liberation Army.
Such cooperation between the governments of Pakistan and China would represent
a threat to the national security of the United States and its allies.”
In a letter
to Poe and Rogers summarising his findings, Fisher wrote that if his research
is confirmed, it would be grounds to seek new sanctions against China at the
UN, and would trigger the enforcement of existing US sanctions. He also said
that it’s a threat in and of itself if China is exporting such equipment or
even the design of such technology, because it could end up in North Korea,
which in turn could re-export it to Iran. This is the kind of diplomatic
problem President Obama would want to avoid. After all, despite his protests
and promises to refocus America’s defensive posture to the Pacific Ocean, the
Chinese have moved ahead with plans to militarise islands it built in the South
China Sea. But the rest of the world may not be able to wait this long. The new
Pakistani missiles have a range of 1,700 miles, which would cover all of India.
If China helped Pakistan with the technology for these weapons, it raises the
question what other nuclear programmes China is willing to assist.
splash
(SHOW)
› to print or show something in a very
noticeable way:
Several newspapers splashed colour pictures
of the star across their front pages.
nonproliferation
› the effort to stop the increase in
nuclear weapons
murky
(DARK/DIRTY)
› dark and dirty or difficult to see
through:
The river was brown and murky after the
storm.
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