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THE HINDU: Welcome waste as new wealth
After fighting a losing
battle with the growing tide of municipal waste, the Ministry of Environment
and Forests has notified the new Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016 with clear
responsibilities assigned to various classes of consumers.
For these rules to
have any significant impact, however, the local bodies in charge of
implementation should appeal to the rational impulses of communities — a small
effort at segregating trash at source would be a good thing for their household
budgets. Cities and towns would then have to provide the logistical chain to
evacuate waste, with a cash compensation system in place for the consumer. In
the absence of such a system, the rules issued 16 years ago failed
spectacularly. Urban municipal bodies found it convenient to merely transport
waste to the suburbs, sometimes through private agencies that secured lucrative
long-term contracts. Policy failure is all too evident when Environment
Minister Prakash Javadekar says that the estimated 62 million tonnes of waste a
year is not fully collected or treated. Worryingly, it will go up to some 165
million tonnes in 2030, and dramatic episodes of air and water pollution from
mountains of garbage as seen in Mumbai and Bengaluru in recent times could be
witnessed in more places.
A productive
start to containing the problem could be made if urban governments show the
political will to rein in bulk generators of municipal solid waste. For
instance, the provisions in the new rules forhotels and restaurants to
support composting, or biomethanation, and for large housing societies,
commercial establishments and other bulk producers to segregate waste, need to
be rigorously enforced. Cess funds collected for the Swachh Bharat programme
could be deployed to scale up infrastructure for composting, biomethanation and
recycling, which Mr. Javadekar admits are grossly inadequate. Evidently, the
Centre and the State governments have not so far taken the existing rules
seriously: less than a third of the collected waste is being processed. Even
where environmentally conscious citizens segregate at source, the chain of
management dumps it all in landfills. The central monitoring committee under
the Ministry should ensure that local bodies do not continue functioning in
business-as-usual mode. They should align their operations, including waste
management contracts, with the new rules under the annual operating plan. The
Ministry should also enlist the services of ragpickers under formal systems
such as cooperatives. Although there are provisions for fines for littering and
non-segregation, this should be a second-order priority for municipalities,
which should focus principally on creating reliable systems to handle different
waste streams. If India could start with the separation of its ‘wet’ waste from
the rest and produce good compost, that could transform cities and towns into
clean and green havens filled with trees, gardens, lakes and rivers. It would
also salvage millions of tonnes of recyclable plastic, precious metals and
other materials. Garbology studies confirm that landfills swallow precious
wealth every day. The time has come to recover it.
im·pulse
A sudden strong and unreflective urge or desire to act.
e·vac·u·ate
Remove (someone) from a place of danger to a safe place.
seg·re·gate
An allele that has undergone segregation.
rag·pick·er
A person who collects and sells rags.
sal·vage
Rescue (a wrecked or disabled ship or its cargo) from loss at
sea.
gar·bol·o·gy
The study of a community or culture by analyzing its waste.
land·fill
A place to dispose of refuse and other waste material by burying
it and covering it over with soil, especially as a method of filling in or
extending usable land.
THE HINDU: Another killing in Bangladesh
The death of one more secular activist
in Bangladesh this week is a
chilling reminder of the unrelenting assault by Islamist groups on freedom of
expression. Nazimuddin Samad was returning from classes in Dhaka’s Jagannath
University when attackers waylaid him. They hacked his head with a machete, and
then shot him. In initial comments the police did not say whether Islamists
were responsible, but it is no accident that Samad’s name figured in a hit list of 84 Bangladeshi bloggers
and activists compiled in
2013 and sent anonymously to media organisations. The manner of the 26-year-old
law student’s murder bore close similarity to the death by machetes of four bloggers
in 2015. To reaffirm that Bangladesh is a secular republic, young
campaigners have taken the fight to Islamist groups in multiple ways. They have
braved threats from extremists and carried on writing, in print and on social
media platforms. They have also, importantly, mobilised tens of thousands of
Bangladeshis in seeking strict punishment for Islamists implicated in war
crimes in the nine months leading up to the liberation of Bangladesh. These
activists — mostly students
and writers/bloggers — are at
the vanguard of the ongoing struggle to define the secular and democratic
nature of the Bangladeshi state, an issue that has been acrimoniously contested
by political parties, Islamists and the military since the 1971 war.
Upon her
return to power in 2009, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina made the war crimes
tribunal central to the Awami League’s politics, and brought leaders of
Islamist groups, notably the Jamaat-e-Islami, to trial for collaborating with
the Pakistan army in war atrocities. When a key Jamaat leader, Abdul Quader Mollah, was handed
life imprisonment, huge protests erupted in Dhaka’s Shahbag Square demanding
that he be punished with the death penalty. The protests, named the Shahbag
movement, called for accountability as well as returning Bangladesh’s
Constitution to its initial secular character. It is reported, for instance,
that Samad had participated in the Shahbag protests. There is, however, anxiety
that Sheikh Hasina is using the war crimes issue not only to secure the secular
character of Bangladesh, but also to consolidate her grip on power. There is a
grain of truth in the charge that she has been somewhat slow, inactive even, in
bringing those responsible for the threats and assaults on secular activists to
book. She has used a variety of measures to discredit her long-time rival,
Khaleda Zia of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, and to target journalists and
well-regarded civil society members such as Grameen Bank founder Muhammad
Yunus. Samad’s death is a cautionary alert that the logical extension of the
purported fight to rescue the progressive vision of the country’s founders is
to assert its democratic ethos. Bloggers cannot be the only opposition to
extremism.
un·re·lent·ing
Not yielding in strength, severity, or determination.
as·sault
Make a physical attack on.
way·lay
Stop or interrupt (someone) and detain them in conversation or
trouble them in some other way.
ma·chet·e
A broad, heavy knife used as an implement or weapon, originating
in Central America and the Caribbean.
van·guard
A group of people leading the way in new developments or ideas.
acrimoniously
Hatred is a deep and emotional extreme dislike that can be
directed against individuals, entities, objects, or ideas. Hatred is often
associated with feelings of anger and a disposition towards hostility. Commonly
held moral rules, such as the Golden Rule, oppose universal hatred towards
another.
a·troc·i·ty
An extremely wicked or cruel act, typically one involving
physical violence or injury.
e·rupt
(of a volcano) become active and eject lava, ash, and gases.
dis·cred·it
Harm the good reputation of (someone or something).
pur·port
Appear or claim to be or do something, especially falsely;
profess.
INDIAN EXPRESS: Supremo’s choice
A hundred of the AIADMK’s 150 MLAs are missing from the party’s
list of candidates for the upcoming Tamil Nadu assembly election that was
released earlier this week. Political parties do replace sitting MLAs, but
rarely do they go for an overhaul on this scale, wherein two-thirds of the
legislature party is denied renomination. A plausible explanation is that new
faces can help a party beat the anti-incumbency sentiment. This strategy has
been tried in other states, where incumbents have sought to retain office by
replacing old MLA candidates with new.
In the case of the AIADMK, there could be another reason: Its
organisational structure, where all the power is centralised and concentrated
at the top with the party chief. In such a party, it is in the interest of the
party supremo that the second-rung leadership remain faceless even after they
become elected representatives or hold public office. In recent years,
legislators have acquired increasing access to substantial funds to develop
their constituencies and build popular support. The funds could also come in
handy to develop patronage networks independent of the party and the party
chief. Leader-centric parties like the AIADMK are wary of the localisation of
political power and leadership since the process could throw up potential
challengers to the party supremo. The AIADMK, for instance, seeks votes only in
the name of its leader, J. Jayalalithaa, and the state government has branded
its welfare schemes after “Amma”, not the ruling party. Loyalty to the leader
is the primary consideration for the party, therefore, when it picks candidates
for elections. The faceless nominee is dependent on the charismatic leader to
win the election and is never allowed the time or space to develop into a
leader in his or her own right. The elected representative is beholden only to
his leader — a distortion of the democratic principle where a legislator is
accountable, primarily, to the voter.
Shades of the AIADMK model can be seen in several regional
parties, including those that once were cadre-centric and ideology-driven.
Politics as a project built upwards from the grassroots is being replaced by a
patronage system of nominations from a centralised high command. The AIADMK,
which emerged from the Dravidian movement and transmuted into a leadership cult
over the years, is a full-blown example of a spreading phenomenon.
o·ver·haul
Take apart (a piece of machinery or equipment) in order to
examine it and repair it if necessary.
plau·si·ble
(of an argument or statement) seeming reasonable or probable.
in·cum·ben·cy
The holding of an office or the period during which one is held.
face·less
(of a person) remote and impersonal; anonymous.
pa·tron·age
The support given by a patron.
be·hold·en
Owing thanks or having a duty to someone in return for help or a
service.
dis·tor·tion
The action of distorting or the state of being distorted.
trans·mute
Change in form, nature, or substance.
cult
A system of religious veneration and devotion directed toward a
particular figure or object.
BUSINESS STANDARD: Tax
confusion
The Central Board
of Direct Taxes' (CBDT's) mandate to all individuals and Hindu Undivided
Families with taxable income of over Rs 50 lakh per annum to disclose the
details and cost of their immovable and movable assets such as cash, jewellery,
vehicles, yachts, boats and aircraft is yet another questionable idea that will
create unnecessary confusion. As a follow-up to this year's Budget
announcement, the income-tax department notified last Wednesday a new set of
nine income-tax return (ITR) forms for assessment year 2016-17 to implement the
new directive that makes disclosure of assets and liabilities mandatory.
Earlier, this was applicable only for those who had income from proprietorship
or partnership businesses. The revenue department has justified the move on
three grounds: one, it would help track tax evasion by high net worth
individuals, especially as they would not have to file wealth tax returns after
the passage of the Finance Bill; two, it would make the government's job of
mapping an individual's income against her assets and liabilities much easier
and help in dealing with the menace of black money; and three, it would not
affect the common taxpayer and would affect only an estimated 150,000
ultra-rich individuals.
The problem, however, is more in what the CBDT notification does not say. For example, it gives no indication of how the value of the assets will be determined. Tax experts say there is considerable ambiguity over valuing assets and liabilities, which will make filing tax returns a little complicated. Assuming that such declarations will have to mention the acquisition cost, many individuals will find it difficult to determine the cost of gifted assets, inherited assets or assets purchased several years ago, as few will have kept the records. CBDT should have specified this clearly, as the last date for filing such details along with tax returns for the previous financial year is July 31. The absence of such advisories for determining the cost of immovable and movable assets only helps in leaving the door open for individual discretion and thus harassment by tax officers. Such fears are not unwarranted going by past experience.
The bigger issue is the rationale for such voluminous details in ITR forms - after all, almost all the details the I-T department is now asking for from people above a total taxable income of Rs 50 lakh is already accessible to tax officials. So why complicate the paperwork further? The department, it seems, is particularly fond of voluminous returns. For proof, consider this: even the simplest ITR-1 form for salaried individuals having a single house is now a seven-page document, instead of the five pages it was earlier, and has an additional column to mention tax deducted at source. It is unfortunate the I-T department hasn't learnt from past mistakes. Last year, for example, it had to rework the controversial tax return form, which sought information on foreign travel undertaken by taxpayers and the expenditure incurred, as well as details of all bank accounts along with account balances at the end of a year in the tax return forms.
The government has already enacted the Black Money Act, 2015, requiring compulsory disclosure of foreign assets and income and subjecting evaders to stiff penalties and jail terms. It has also introduced legislation aimed at amending the Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Act to help check creation of black money in India, especially in real estate transactions. These were all major changes. Questions about the necessity of the latest move, therefore, are likely to be raised.
The problem, however, is more in what the CBDT notification does not say. For example, it gives no indication of how the value of the assets will be determined. Tax experts say there is considerable ambiguity over valuing assets and liabilities, which will make filing tax returns a little complicated. Assuming that such declarations will have to mention the acquisition cost, many individuals will find it difficult to determine the cost of gifted assets, inherited assets or assets purchased several years ago, as few will have kept the records. CBDT should have specified this clearly, as the last date for filing such details along with tax returns for the previous financial year is July 31. The absence of such advisories for determining the cost of immovable and movable assets only helps in leaving the door open for individual discretion and thus harassment by tax officers. Such fears are not unwarranted going by past experience.
The bigger issue is the rationale for such voluminous details in ITR forms - after all, almost all the details the I-T department is now asking for from people above a total taxable income of Rs 50 lakh is already accessible to tax officials. So why complicate the paperwork further? The department, it seems, is particularly fond of voluminous returns. For proof, consider this: even the simplest ITR-1 form for salaried individuals having a single house is now a seven-page document, instead of the five pages it was earlier, and has an additional column to mention tax deducted at source. It is unfortunate the I-T department hasn't learnt from past mistakes. Last year, for example, it had to rework the controversial tax return form, which sought information on foreign travel undertaken by taxpayers and the expenditure incurred, as well as details of all bank accounts along with account balances at the end of a year in the tax return forms.
The government has already enacted the Black Money Act, 2015, requiring compulsory disclosure of foreign assets and income and subjecting evaders to stiff penalties and jail terms. It has also introduced legislation aimed at amending the Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Act to help check creation of black money in India, especially in real estate transactions. These were all major changes. Questions about the necessity of the latest move, therefore, are likely to be raised.
man·date
An official order or commission to do something.
dis·cre·tion
The quality of behaving or speaking in such a way as to avoid
causing offense or revealing private information.
vo·lu·mi·nous
Occupying or containing much space; large in volume, in
particular.
in·cur
Become subject to (something unwelcome or unpleasant) as a
result of one's own behavior or actions.
dis·clo·sure
The action of making new or secret information known.
evaders
(evader) Any person isolated in hostile or unfriendly territory
who eludes capture.
stiff
Not easily bent or changed in shape; rigid.
Apr 09 2016 : The Economic Times
(Mumbai)
Indo-Pak Talks and the Cheshire Cat
India's talks with Pakistan are like the Cheshire Cat, in their
evanescence. The Cat in Alice's Wonderland had a habit of vanishing in
anatomical instalments. Once, after it had reduced itself to a grinning face,
it occasioned a heated, if logical, exchange between the King and Queen of
Hearts, on the one hand, and the executioner, on the other, on whether it was
possible to behead a head that is not attached to a body. The Pakistan High
Commissioner's statement that Indo-Pak peace talks stand suspended raises a
similar question: can you suspend talks that have not got going in the first
place?
The Modi government's approach to talks with Pakistan has been that of a pendulum, swinging from one extreme to the other, and back again. Warm embrace at the swearing in, called off talks over the Pak envoy's meeting with Kashmiri sepa ratists, warm embrace after sudden stop over at Lahore, followed up from the Pak end with a sneak terror attack on the Pathankot air force base, unprecedented accommodation of a Pak request to send their investigation team to Pathankot, only to see the warmth of this implicit admission of the Pak state's non-involvement in the terror strike frozen over by the Pak `discovery' of an alleged Indian spy in Balochistan. If you find such conduct of bilateral relations baffling, please note that a cat's tail, too, swings from one end to the other.
The Modi government's approach to talks with Pakistan has been that of a pendulum, swinging from one extreme to the other, and back again. Warm embrace at the swearing in, called off talks over the Pak envoy's meeting with Kashmiri sepa ratists, warm embrace after sudden stop over at Lahore, followed up from the Pak end with a sneak terror attack on the Pathankot air force base, unprecedented accommodation of a Pak request to send their investigation team to Pathankot, only to see the warmth of this implicit admission of the Pak state's non-involvement in the terror strike frozen over by the Pak `discovery' of an alleged Indian spy in Balochistan. If you find such conduct of bilateral relations baffling, please note that a cat's tail, too, swings from one end to the other.
Talks
with Pakistan getting suspended is not a disaster. India should continue to be
prepared to engage all sections of the Pak state and society that are willing
to be engaged but with the full awareness that it would not mark any
development in a story that progresses swiftly to an ending in which people
live happily together ever after. If the Cheshire cat vanishes, trust it to
reappear.
Chesh·ire
A kind of firm crumbly cheese, originally made in Cheshire,
England.
evanescence
The event of fading and gradually vanishing from sight;
"the evanescence of the morning mist"
an·a·tom·i·cal
Of or relating to bodily structure.
grin
Smile broadly, especially in an unrestrained manner and with the
mouth open.
pen·du·lum
A weight hung from a fixed point so that it can swing freely
backward and forward, especially a rod with a weight at the end that regulates
the mechanism of a clock.
em·brace
Hold (someone) closely in one's arms, especially as a sign of
affection.
sneak
Move or go in a furtive or stealthy manner.
un·prec·e·dent·ed
Never done or known before.
im·plic·it
Implied though not plainly expressed.
baf·fle
Totally bewilder or perplex.
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