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The Hindu: Rajya
Sabha’s winter of disquiet
Parliament has
suddenly been galvanised into action, and the Rajya Sabha is now to take up for
discussion amendments to the Juvenile Justice Act. On Monday, the Supreme
Court, wisely, refused to stay the release after three years of detention of
one of the men involved in the gang rape of December 16, 2012 who had not
turned 18 at the time of the horrific crime. It is a sign of falling standards
that a resolve by parliamentarians to take up anything at all for deliberation
is notice-worthy. But Rajya Sabha MPs must pay heed to the disquiet that they
are echoing a mob-like frenzy in signing up to the amendment to reduce the age
of juvenility, without enough reflection on why crime by young people puts
different responsibilities for rehabilitation on a society. The Rajya Sabha is
on test today not only for the urgency with which it takes note of the
sentiment on the street — it will be judged for the sense of proportion it
brings to the subject and the evenness with which its members grapple with the
distinction between retribution and rehabilitation, between collective
responsibility for the country’s young and abdication of the vulnerable. In a
larger sense, too, in 2015 the Rajya Sabha has been asked to make a case for
its institutional relevance, and how the House rises to the challenge would
have implications for the assertiveness of Parliament as a whole.
The numbers are
dismal. According to data compiled by PRS Legislative Research, a Delhi-based
think tank, as of December 18 the Rajya Sabha had wasted more than half its
available hours in the winter session. Question Hour had functioned in the
House for only 15 per cent of the allotted time — in contrast to 88 per cent in
the Lok Sabha. The numbers do not reflect the initiatives taken by the Chairman
of the Rajya Sabha, Vice-President Hamid Ansari, in trying inventive ways to
keep the deliberative and questioning spirit alive. Over his two terms he has,
for instance, got the House to take up questions even if the MP against whose
name it had been listed was absent, and to reschedule Question Hour to a
quieter time of day — but to little avail. Discipline apart, of late there has
been criticism of the Rajya Sabha’s capacity to hold up non-money bills passed
by the Lok Sabha. This obviously draws from the ruling NDA’s numerical
disadvantage in the House. Critics overlook the essential need for a permanent
House in a country as diverse as India — to ensure continuity as a check
against sudden changes in government and agendas, and to reflect the voice of
States in this federal polity. If anything, the lack of numbers should propel
the ruling party to reach the extra inch across the aisles in the Lok Sabha, to
agree to have its Ministers put to more stringent questioning, even to interest
Opposition MPs by adopting Prime Minister’s Questions, and, most importantly,
to loosen the debate-snuffing restrictions of the anti-defection law and allow
bipartisan coalitions to be built around specific pieces of legislation. In
India’s unique form of bicameralism, the key to unlocking a stand-off in one
House inevitably lies in the other House. Just as the way to institutional
strength lies in empowering individual MPs.
dis·qui·et
A feeling of anxiety
or worry.
gal·va·nize
Shock or excite
(someone), typically into taking action.
heed
Pay attention to; take
notice of.
ech·o
(of a sound) be
repeated or reverberate after the original sound has stopped.
fren·zy
A state or period of
uncontrolled excitement or wild behavior.
juvenility
Callowness: lacking
and evidencing lack of experience of life
grap·ple
Engage in a close
fight or struggle without weapons; wrestle.
ret·ri·bu·tion
Punishment inflicted
on someone as vengeance for a wrong or criminal act
assertiveness
Aggressive
self-assurance; given to making bold assertions
pro·pel
Drive, push, or cause
to move in a particular direction, typically forward.
aisle
A passage between rows
of seats in a building such as a church or theater, an airplane, or a train.
em·pow·er
Give (someone) the
authority or power to do something.
The Hindu: Right moves on the Soccer League
For all the flutter that the Indian Super League (ISL) has
managed to create so far, a thrilling finish of the kind witnessed on Sunday,
when Chennaiyin FC defeated FC Goa 3-2 in the final, seemed just apt. That the
match was turned on its head with barely seconds remaining, even as it ensured
a fairy-tale end, brought out in good measure the vagaries of sport in general
and the quirkiness of football in particular. If Goa thought it had done enough
to drag itself past the finish line when it took the lead with three minutes
left, it was not to be. It showed, yet again, how a momentary lapse in
concentration can damage fortunes in high-pressure situations. If anything,
only the unsavoury incidents which followed the final whistle marred what was a
fierce but evenly contested tie. On the match itself there might not have been
much to write home about. The flair and zest displayed by both teams in their
run to the final was seen only in patches. But final matches, in which caution
is often the watchword and avoiding mistakes is paramount, have a tendency to
turn out the way this one did. However, there can be no doubting that the
league’s two best teams contested the final. Goa scored a league-high 29 goals
to enter the knock-outs while Chennaiyin, in addition to the 25 goals scored,
also had the best defensive record, conceding only 15.
After a successful opening season, there was a fair amount
of scepticism as the second season got under way two months ago. For, the
sophomore’s test is perhaps the toughest to pass. In spite of the bad press
owing to the national team’s capitulation in the World Cup qualifiers, it can
indeed be said that the ISL has managed to not lose its sheen. As Chennaiyin
FC’s manager Marco Materazzi said on the eve of the final, “I hope that
everyone sees the difference. All of us have done well to raise the level. Last
year it took 19 points to reach the play-offs. This year it is 22. I hope the
improvement keeps happening. If it does, we will be the happiest people.” It
also helped that, unlike the previous season, the cream of Indian football
including captain Sunil Chhetri participated. Also, other Indian players under
the tutelage of coaches such as the legendary Zico and Materazzi himself have
blossomed. Having said that, there is still room for considerable improvement.
The tournament must be scheduled in such a way that ISL matches do not run
parallel to India’s international forays. The two are meant to complement each
other, ultimately leading to the uplift of both. Zico’s repeated call for a
single league, as against two separate entities in I-League and ISL, with very
limited, but extremely good foreign players, is to be considered. The Brazilian
great’s wealth of coaching experience in developing nations coupled with his
standing in world football does merit that.
flut·ter
(of a bird or other
winged creature) fly unsteadily or hover by flapping the wings quickly and
lightly.
apt
Appropriate or
suitable in the circumstances
un·sa·vor·y
Disagreeable to taste,
smell, or look at.
mar
Impair the appearance
of; disfigure.
par·a·mount
More important than
anything else; supreme.
skep·ti·cism
A skeptical attitude;
doubt as to the truth of something.
ca·pit·u·la·tion
The action of
surrendering or ceasing to resist an opponent or demand.
blos·som
(of a tree or bush)
produce flowers or masses of flowers.
Business Standard:The elusive toilets goal
The attempt to make
India free of open defecation appears to be a classic example of how goals can
remain elusive despite the best of intentions of the government and the
availability of money. The Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, launched by the prime
minister over a year ago, is really the fourth avatar of a three-decade long
effort. Yet the fate of the latest repackaging, which has reset the target date
at 2019, may not be very different from that of the earlier efforts. An
indication of the mindset at work is available from the fate of a well-meaning
effort by the central ministries responsible for various parts of the programme
to find out how things are going and learn quick lessons. But when the quick
survey conducted by the National Sample Survey Organisation earlier this year
found that less than half the toilets built since the Abhiyan was launched were
being used, the government decided to keep the results under wraps lest the
Opposition made an issue of it.
Fortunately, a
detailed report by the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General into the
earlier avatar, Nirmal Bharat Abhiyan, has unearthed highly useful findings
which can in fact make it a classic case study. With rare pungency, the CAG
report, covering the period of 2009 to 2014, declares: "The (sanitation)
programme which is running in mission mode for three decades has not succeeded
in evoking the missionary zeal in various government agencies, participating
NGOs and corporates." The audit found no proper bottom-up planning like
gram panchayat plans being linked to district plans. Less than half the number
of toilets targeted were constructed, and a third of those which saw the light
of day were defunct. They were either incomplete, or poorly constructed, or
badly maintained. In the years studied, not only did the Centre release less
than half the funds it was to, as many as 16 states either did not release or
did less than what was their share of funding. As the government runs
innumerable programmes whose tasks overlap, there was a plan for convergence.
For example, the material cost for toilets in homes built under Indira Awas
Yojana could come from the sanitation programme and the labour costs from the
rural employment programme - but this did not happen. Finally, the programme
was to be monitored through an online management information system, but not
only was the data uploaded not verified, it was not cross-checked with the
departments' annual performance reports.
A course correction is
due. There may be some change form the past in a critical area - persuading
people to actually use toilets. Brand ambassadors have been appointed to spread
the message. The NSSO survey has revealed that some are using the new toilets
as store rooms. There is every reason for the government to institute a more
detailed study, which discovers the reasons behind the reality, and to shares
those results with the public. Again, money will not be a problem. The World
Bank has approved a $1.5 billion loan to focus on behavioural change to further
the project.
e·lu·sive
Difficult to find,
catch, or achieve.
def·e·ca·tion
The discharge of feces
from the body.
un·earth
Find (something) in
the ground by digging.
pungency
Wit having a sharp and
caustic quality; "he commented with typical pungency"; "the bite
of satire"
de·funct
No longer existing or
functioning.
in·nu·mer·a·ble
Too many to be counted
(often used hyperbolically).
Indian Express A maha claim
The national executive
of the JD(U) has announced that it will make an effort to replicate the grand
alliance that defeated the BJP in Bihar in the states scheduled for assembly
elections in April-May next year. The JD(U) seems to believe that the Bihar
model of anti-BJP alliance-making can be replicated elsewhere and could hurt
the BJP’s plans for Assam, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Pondichery. The
impetus behind the JD(U)’s ambition to build a national anti-BJP coalition
seems to be the outsized impact of the Bihar verdict. The party hopes to use
the Bihar outcome as a launching pad for its own national ambitions.
But every assembly
poll is driven by a political dynamic all its own. Local equations and
considerations influence coalition-building and moreover, in many states, the
strategy of building an anti-BJP alliance may have little salience. At this
juncture, the only state where the JD(U) initiative could find some resonance
is Assam. The 2014 general election trends from Assam point to an ascendant
BJP. Even the state Congress has hinted that the party may need to build
tactical alliances with regional outfits, including the AGP and the AUDF, to
overcome anti-incumbency and keep the BJP out of power. Yet, though these
parties identify a common foe in the BJP, their political constituencies and
compulsions are not necessarily in sync. In West Bengal, the BJP remains a
marginal player, while the Congress could influence the outcome. Sections
within the Left Front may want an alliance with the Congress to consolidate the
anti-Trinamool sentiment, but ideological reservations within the CPM stand in
the way. Here the JD(U) could well broker a pre-poll understanding between the
Congress and the TMC. Kerala’s coalition politics is a saturated space and the
BJP’s third front is yet to take shape. The JD(U)’s dilemma in Kerala is
whether to stay on in the Congress-led UDF or accept the invitation from the
Left and join the LDF. The JD(U) is inconsequential in Tamil Nadu, where the
political space, though fragmented, continues to revolve around the two
Dravidian parties, the DMK and the AIADMK. In the last election, the BJP stitched
together a third front that mopped up nearly 20 per cent of the vote, but the
front unravelled after the election.
Certainly, coalitions
will determine the outcome of the April assembly elections, but the BJP is
likely to have a limited impact. And the JD(U) may be overstating its influence
when it assumes the role of an alliance facilitator in next year’s poll-bound
states.
rep·li·cate
Make an exact copy of;
reproduce
im·pe·tus
The force or energy
with which a body moves.
junc·ture
A particular point in
events or time.
res·o·nance
The quality in a sound
of being deep, full, and reverberating.
tac·ti·cal
Of, relating to, or
constituting actions carefully planned to gain a specific military end.
in·cum·ben·cy
The holding of an
office or the period during which one is held.
foe
An enemy or opponent.
frag·ment
Break or cause to
break into fragments.
co·a·li·tion
An alliance for
combined action, especially a temporary alliance of political parties forming a
government or of states.
The Guardian view
on the Spanish elections: the end of an era
The old joke about
Franco is that when the news that he had died was announced to the cabinet,
there was a long silence, and then one minister said: “Yes, but who’s going to
tell him?” Franco’s long reign did indeed in some ways go on after his death,
in that the new democracy’s politics came to be dominated by a rightwing party
that drew together the modernising and more moderate elements in the old
regime, and a leftwing party that grouped some of the forces that had opposed
the dictator. The settlement between the two, their alternation in power, and
the influence of an enlightened monarch produced a two-party system that gave
Spain stability, containing once visceral divisions and sustaining a rapid
economic development which had begun under Franco and which has faltered only
recently.
But over time it also
became calcified, intermittently corrupt, incapable of responding imaginatively
to discontented minorities, and one of the two parties was committed to a
centralisation of power that was increasingly a bad fit with Spain’s diversity.
When it also began to fail to deliver economically, the writing was on the
wall. This era ended on Sunday in the Spanish general elections when the
mainstream parties, the conservative People’s party, or PP, and the Spanish
Socialist Workers’ party, or PSOE, were rudely bumped out of their accustomed
orbits by two newcomers.
Podemos, or “We can”,
a radical party on the left, has been in existence for less than two years,
while Ciudadanos, or Citizens, originally a Catalan party opposed to
independence there, only began organising, as a new kind of centrist party, in
the rest of Spain in 2013. Together they took more than a third of the vote,
leaving the older parties with just over a half, and stripping the ruling
People’s party of its parliamentary majority.
The arithmetic makes
coalition building difficult. There are not enough seats for the obvious
coalition of the right, but mustering one on the left will be hard because of
critical differences between the possible partners. The outcome may not be clear
for some time, and a return to the electors cannot be ruled out. What is more
important than these contingent matters is that Spanish politics has been
opened up in a dramatic way.
A new pluralism has
replaced the old duopoly. The immediate causes were an upsurge of feeling
against austerity policies similar to that elsewhere in Europe, especially in
Greece and Italy, rage over unemployment, and disgust over corruption scandals
that undermined the reputation of the older parties. But the transformation of
the party landscape reflects deeper changes in Spanish society, generational,
economic, historical and philosophical.
A large number of
Spaniards have no memory of the Franco years, and a significant fraction no
particular recall of, or gratitude for, the skilful way in which the country
was guided through the early years of the transition from dictatorship,
avoiding army intervention, making Spain internationally respected, and
creating a prosperous society.
Their background was not one of rising prosperity but one of rising inequality. The youngest cohorts, looking at up to 47% unemployment in their age group, have indeed had an exactly opposite experience to the relatively secure circumstances of their parents, which is why millions of them took to the streets in 2011. Many older people in their families, even when well off themselves, were drawn to these indignados.
Soon men and women from a slightly older age bracket, most of them from academic or non-corporate business backgrounds, emerged as leaders to give party-political form to this movement. All wanted constitutional change. Podemos, especially, called for a new politics in which there would be continuous popular participation.
It would be foolish to draw too sharp a line under the past. The vote was a reaction to inequality but also reflected it, with anecdotal evidence suggesting older, better–off people voted on Sunday for the old parties. Those parties are reduced but far from finished.
The new parties will
find their programmes diluted as they are forced to compromise in coalition
building or in forging opposition alliances, so that Podemos’s ideas, for
example, already modified in the search for electoral advantage, are unlikely
to be put into practice in any full way. But Spain needed to change and it has
changed. That is enough for the moment.
dic·ta·tor
A ruler with total
power over a country, typically one who has obtained power by force.
vis·cer·al
Of or relating to the
viscera.
vis·cer·a
The internal organs in
the main cavities of the body, especially those in the abdomen, e.g., the
intestines.
fal·ter
Start to lose strength
or momentum.
cal·ci·fy
Harden by deposition
of or conversion into calcium carbonate or some other insoluble calcium
compounds.
mus·ter
Assemble (troops),
especially for inspection or in preparation for battle.
con·tin·gent
Subject to chance.
co·hort
An ancient Roman
military unit, comprising six centuries, equal to one tenth of a legion.
indignados
The 2011–present
Spanish protests, also referred to as the 15-M Movement, the Indignants
Movement, and Take the Square #spanishrevolution, are a series of ongoing
demonstrations in Spain whose origin can be traced to social networks such as
Real Democracy NOW or Youth Without a Future among ...
an·ec·do·tal
(of an account) not
necessarily true or reliable, because based on personal accounts rather than
facts or research.
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