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To achieve the impossible, it is precisely
the unthinkable that must be thought,” wrote a famous novelist. To that end,
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
unannounced visit to Kabul and surprise stopover in Lahore is certainly as unthinkable as it is a
transformational moment for India. While several Indian Prime Ministers have
attempted to turn ties with Pakistan into something more neighbourly, nothing
defines good neighbours more than Mr. Modi’s “dropping in” for tea to wish his
counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, on his birthday and to give his good wishes for his
grand-daughter’s wedding. With the two visits on Christmas day, bringing
together India’s interest in engaging both Afghanistan and Pakistan, he has
also reclaimed the ‘SAARC moment’ of his swearing-in ceremony in 2014, which
many had called a masterstroke at the time. What is perhaps the most surprising
is not just that Mr. Modi decided to make the stops, but that they come at the
end of a year when relations with both Afghanistan, over talks with the
Taliban, and Pakistan, over LoC firing and the NSA talks, were very troubled.
Mr. Modi has ensured that a curtain has been drawn on those troubles, and a new
beginning will be made in the new year. Not just that, by making the journey
from Kabul to Lahore, he has transformed Afghanistan from a battlefield between
India and Pakistan into a facilitator of good relations. The road ahead is certainly
perilous. Relations with Pakistan have often seen setbacks far worse than the
strides in ties. The Kargil war followed just such a bold initiative by Atal
Bihari Vajpayee on the Lahore bus, and Manmohan Singh’s sustained talks on
Kashmir with President Musharraf, who he invited for a cricket match to India
to restart talks, went awry after a series of attacks. However, if Mr. Modi
were to dwell only on those perils, there would be no way of moving forward,
and he has been wise to take the high road to peace over the low road of
discordant ties with Pakistan. The two foreign secretaries should build on this
breakthrough at their meeting scheduled for mid-January.
If Mr. Modi’s move towards
Pakistan represents a maturing and progression of his position, then the
Congress party’s attack on the Lahore visit represents a churlish regression in
its position. It is surprising that the main opposition party has chosen to
criticise Mr. Modi for everything its own Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh,
risked so much for during his tenure. In 2007, many were aghast when Dr. Singh
said he dreamed of a time he could have breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore
and dinner in Kabul. With a few modifications, Mr. Modi, who is now the biggest
beneficiary of the previous government’s sagacious Pakistan policy, has
achieved that dream, in reverse.
laud·a·ble
(of an action, idea, or goal) deserving praise and commendation.
trans·for·ma·tion·al
Relating to or involving transformation or transformations.
de·fine
State or describe exactly the nature, scope, or meaning of
coun·ter·part
A person or thing holding a position or performing a function
that corresponds to that of another person or thing in another place.
mas·ter stroke
An outstandingly skillful and opportune act; a very clever move.
bat·tle·field
The piece of ground on which a battle is or was fought.
facilitator
Someone who makes progress easier
per·il·ous
Full of danger or risk.
set·back
A reversal or check in progress.
stride
Walk with long, decisive steps in a specified direction.
a·wry
Away from the appropriate, planned, or expected course; amiss.
dwell
Live in or at a specified place.
per·il
Serious and immediate danger.
dis·cord·ant
Disagreeing or incongruous.
break·through
A sudden, dramatic, and important discovery or development.
churl·ish
Rude in a mean-spirited and surly way.
re·gres·sion
A return to a former or less developed state.
a·ghast
Filled with horror or shock.
sa·ga·cious
Having or showing keen mental discernment and good judgment;
shrewd.
The Hindu: Do
right by India’s real NRIs
Every detail of the latest story of abuse of Indian workers in
West Asia is both horrifying and painfully emblematic of the condition of
Indian migrants to these countries. Three men from Kerala paid an agent to get
them employment in Yemen, but they were taken to Saudi Arabia instead. They
were trained electricians but were made to work in a brick factory. They were
beaten by their employer with a wooden plank for refusing to do the work, the
torture captured on camera and sent home to their families. Theirs is far from
the first such story of entrapment, deceit and abuse. In October, a woman
worker from Tamil Nadu said that her Saudi employer had tried to chop off her
hand when she tried to escape. In September, a video emerged online which
seemed to show the abuse of an Indian construction worker by his Saudi
supervisor. Journalists investigating the construction of the 2022 FIFA World
Cup infrastructure in Qatar found Indian workers were among those living in
cramped accommodation for low wages and long hours under often exploitative
contracts. Earlier this month External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj told
Parliament that there were over 7,400 complaints of exploitation made by Indian
workers in Gulf countries in 2015 alone.
There are over 6 million Indian workers in West Asia, forming a
quarter of the region’s total expatriate workforce, including 2.8 million in
the UAE, 1.8 million in Saudi Arabia, and over half a million each in Qatar,
Kuwait and Oman. (Money repatriated to India from the Gulf countries was $32.7
billion in 2014, compared to $10 billion from the U.S.) The International
Labour Organisation estimates that many of the 600,000 workers in the region
who are victims of forced labour are Indian citizens. In fact, the chain of
exploitation begins at the recruitment and migration stage in India, as was the
case with the men from Kerala in Saudi Arabia — a police officer in fact put
them in touch with the agent. The Ministry of External Affairs is aware of the
problem; and Ms. Swaraj has been quick to respond to outrage over such
incidents, offering help and support. However, there has not yet been a lasting
fix to the problem; recruitment remains largely unregulated, India’s push for
higher wages remains unfulfilled, and protections for Indian workers once they
discover the nature of their employment are often difficult to come by. Many of
these workers are leaving behind impoverished lives, and might not always be in
a position to assert their rights in the hope of a better life for their
families. These are India’s real NRIs — in numbers and in terms of remittances
and investment in their home countries. India must do better by them.
em·blem·at·ic
Serving as a symbol of a particular quality or concept;
symbolic.
tor·ture
The action or practice of inflicting severe pain on someone as a
punishment or to force them to do or say something, or for the pleasure of the
person inflicting the pain.
entrapment
A defense that claims the defendant would not have broken the
law if not tricked into doing it by law enforcement officials
de·ceit
The action or practice of deceiving someone by concealing or
misrepresenting the truth.
a·buse
Use (something) to bad effect or for a bad purpose; misuse.
cramp
Restrict or inhibit the development of.
ac·com·mo·da·tion
A room, group of rooms, or building in which someone may live or
stay.
ex·pa·tri·ate
A person who lives outside their native country.
re·pa·tri·ate
Send (someone) back to their own country.
out·rage
An extremely strong reaction of anger, shock, or indignation.
im·pov·er·ish
Make (a person or area) poor.
re·mit·tance
A sum of money sent, especially by mail, in payment for goods or
services or as a gift.
The Business Standard Foundation
trilogy
Defence
Minister Manohar Parrikar's signals to the US that India was open to the
possibility of signing three defence "foundational agreements",
should be broadly welcomed. The US first raised the question of the three pacts
- the Logistics Support Agreement (LSA), the Communication and Information
Security Memorandum Agreement (CISMOA) and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation
Agreement (BECA) - about a decade ago, when the United Progressive Alliance
(UPA) was in power. These three agreements would ensure that inter-operability
between the Indian and US militaries is smooth. The latter two would, in fact,
enable the Indian military to make better use of equipment it has already
bought from the US.
But the objection to these agreements, however useful the military might find them, has always been political. During the UPA regime, its Communist parliamentary supporters contended that the agreements would mean India would be obliged to back Washington's agenda. The defence ministry, too, believed the pacts would compromise India's position of military neutrality. Certainly the LSA, which essentially provides access to each other's military bases, provides much ammunition for such political arguments. In the past, permission for US fighter jets to refuel at Mumbai's Sahar airport during the 1991 Gulf War was withdrawn following strong objections from the Opposition. That apart, Russia, India's oldest ally in defence technology transfer, has periodically raised concerns about India's pivot towards the US, especially with the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), a body Washington and New Delhi have established to remove obstacles to the release of technology to India.
Should apprehensions about independence in geopolitical strategy once India signs on to these pacts remain an issue? The principal point of contention for both countries is relations with China. Not only is the People's Republic of China playing a more collaborative role with Pakistan in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of US troops, it is also strengthening ties with Russia and, by extension, resource-rich central Asia. It would not, for instance, be helpful if India's interests in, say, Afghanistan, where it wields considerable soft power via a prominent humanitarian role, were stressed due to the US' historically close ties to Pakistan. So Indian negotiators are wary of how these agreements play out in practice.
India could, perhaps, draw profitably on the experience of Sri Lanka, the other South Asian country to sign a similar agreement. That move has not impacted Colombo's gainful relations with Beijing, which continues to be a major investor in the island-nation's infrastructure. Similar agreements between the US and NATO partners like France and Germany did not compel either country to contribute troops to the US-led alliance that invaded Iraq in 2003. And the fact that the US has agreed to rework the language of the drafts of the three agreements suggests a willingness to accommodate India's concerns. On India's part, the US' manifest keenness to close these agreements provides a good opportunity to push for more robust assurances of reciprocity.
But the objection to these agreements, however useful the military might find them, has always been political. During the UPA regime, its Communist parliamentary supporters contended that the agreements would mean India would be obliged to back Washington's agenda. The defence ministry, too, believed the pacts would compromise India's position of military neutrality. Certainly the LSA, which essentially provides access to each other's military bases, provides much ammunition for such political arguments. In the past, permission for US fighter jets to refuel at Mumbai's Sahar airport during the 1991 Gulf War was withdrawn following strong objections from the Opposition. That apart, Russia, India's oldest ally in defence technology transfer, has periodically raised concerns about India's pivot towards the US, especially with the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), a body Washington and New Delhi have established to remove obstacles to the release of technology to India.
Should apprehensions about independence in geopolitical strategy once India signs on to these pacts remain an issue? The principal point of contention for both countries is relations with China. Not only is the People's Republic of China playing a more collaborative role with Pakistan in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of US troops, it is also strengthening ties with Russia and, by extension, resource-rich central Asia. It would not, for instance, be helpful if India's interests in, say, Afghanistan, where it wields considerable soft power via a prominent humanitarian role, were stressed due to the US' historically close ties to Pakistan. So Indian negotiators are wary of how these agreements play out in practice.
India could, perhaps, draw profitably on the experience of Sri Lanka, the other South Asian country to sign a similar agreement. That move has not impacted Colombo's gainful relations with Beijing, which continues to be a major investor in the island-nation's infrastructure. Similar agreements between the US and NATO partners like France and Germany did not compel either country to contribute troops to the US-led alliance that invaded Iraq in 2003. And the fact that the US has agreed to rework the language of the drafts of the three agreements suggests a willingness to accommodate India's concerns. On India's part, the US' manifest keenness to close these agreements provides a good opportunity to push for more robust assurances of reciprocity.
con·tend
Struggle to surmount (a difficulty or danger)
o·blige
Make (someone) legally or morally bound to an action or course
of action.
am·mu·ni·tion
A supply or quantity of bullets and shells.
piv·ot
The central point, pin, or shaft on which a mechanism turns or
oscillates.
ap·pre·hen·sion
Anxiety or fear that something bad or unpleasant will happen.
col·lab·o·ra·tive
Produced or conducted by two or more parties working together.
troop
A group of soldiers, especially a cavalry unit commanded by a
captain, or an airborne unit.
prom·i·nent
Important; famous
hu·man·i·tar·i·an
Concerned with or seeking to promote human welfare.
im·pact·ed
Pressed firmly together, in particular.
in·vade
(of an armed force or its commander) enter (a country or region)
so as to subjugate or occupy it.
will·ing·ness
The quality or state of being prepared to do something;
readiness.
man·i·fest
Clear or obvious to the eye or mind.
ro·bust
Strong and healthy; vigorous
as·sur·ance
A positive declaration intended to give confidence; a promise.
rec·i·proc·i·ty
The practice of exchanging things with others for mutual
benefit, especially privileges granted by one country or organization to
another.
Indian EXPRESS: BJP
cracks down
Under Narendra Modi, the BJP has shown a flair for audaciously changing the headline and
disarming the opponent, sometimes on national issues, but more often on the
international stage, as the prime minister’s seemingly impromptu happy-birthday
touchdown in Lahore has again reaffirmed. By all accounts, though, this
out-of-the-box thinking stops at the doostep of the party. The BJP’s inner
party affairs, it would seem, are to be conducted in ways that, relatively,
lack in imagination, and large-heartedness or even tact. A party that took no
action at all against those who blatantly sought to spread ill will between
communities, like Ministers Mahesh Sharma and Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti, and MP
Yogi Adityanath, has now speedily suspended cricketer-turned-MP Kirti Azad.
Three days after he held a press conference in which he held forth
on an issue he has been raising for nine years now, about corruption in the
Delhi and District Cricket Association under the 13-year stewardship of present
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, Azad has been charged with anti-party activities, of “colluding”
with the Congress and AAP to bring the BJP into “disrepute”.
Azad has protested that he was not given any specific reasons for
the summary action taken against him and the BJP must answer the charge that
due process was not followed in his ouster. But the party must confront a yet
more damaging perception: That it has lost its capacity to deal with dissent.
In two high-profile instances of the opposition within — Azad now and L.K.
Advani earlier — the BJP reaction can be described as mean-spirited, if not
intolerant. It relegated and marginalised Advani and it has suspended Azad. If
the party were to pause and reflect, it might recognise that its treatment of
both men — and their arguments — belies its own promise of being the “party
with the difference”. When it first asserted its presence as a national
alternative to the then dominant Congress, the BJP’s difference lay not just in
its critique of the secular commonsense and its articulation of “cultural
nationalism” but also in its insistence and claim of being the more democratic
and lively party, with no high command or ruling family. That claim seems much
depleted now in a party that is quick to crack the whip against the dissenter.
Its large mandate in 2014 has given the BJP much room for boldness
and experiments without and also for expansiveness and generosity within. It
would be doing itself a disservice if it did not take advantage of both
opportunities.
flair
A special or instinctive aptitude or ability for doing something
well.
audaciously
In an audacious manner; "an idea so daring and yet so
audaciously tempting that a shiver of excitement quivered through him"
seem·ing·ly
So as to give the impression of having a certain quality;
apparently.
im·promp·tu
Done without being planned, organized, or rehearsed.
touch·down
The moment at which an aircraft's wheels or part of a spacecraft
make contact with the ground during landing.
re·af·firm
State again as a fact; assert again strongly.
heartedness
(hearted) Having, or shaped like, a specified form of heart
tact
Adroitness and sensitivity in dealing with others or with
difficult issues.
bla·tant·ly
In an unsubtle and unashamed manner.
stew·ard
A person who looks after the passengers on a ship, aircraft, or
train and brings them meals.
col·lude
Come to a secret understanding for a harmful purpose; conspire.
dis·re·pute
The state of being held in low esteem by the public.
oust·er
Dismissal or expulsion from a position.
con·front
Meet (someone) face to face with hostile or argumentative
intent.
dis·sent
Hold or express opinions that are at variance with those
previously, commonly, or officially expressed.
rel·e·gate
Consign or dismiss to an inferior rank or position.
as·sert
State a fact or belief confidently and forcefully.
cri·tique
A detailed analysis and assessment of something, especially a
literary, philosophical, or political theory
in·sist·ence
The fact or quality of insisting that something is the case or
should be done.
de·plete
Use up the supply or resources of.
dis·sent·er
A person who dissents.
man·date
An official order or commission to do something.
gen·er·os·i·ty
The quality of being kind and generous.
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