Newspaper Editorials With Hindi Vocab 26/12/2015

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The Times of India :just graffiti - Questions Of Faith

On January 5, 2015, 12 persons were killed in Paris by jihadists.Five were cartoonists working for the satirical व्यंग्यपूर्ण magazine Charlie Hebdo, including the magazine's editor, Stephane Charbonnier, popularly known as Charb. 

On January 5, 2016, Charb's essay Open Letter: On Blasphemy ईश्वर निन्दा  , Islamophobia, and the True Enemies of Free Expression  हाव भाव ' will be published प्रकाशित. It is a posthumous  मरणोपरान्त manifesto प्रकाशन पत्र on religion and free speech, we learn from reports and previews पूर्वप्रदर्शन करना.

Each one of the three issues cited उल्लेख करना in the book's title is of crucial अत्यंत महत्वपूर्ण importance in the world today . Take Islamophobia. It has affected societies across the globe.It has lit प्रकाशित a spark  चिंगारी  this year in Europe, in Russia, in the US and elsewhere और कहीं fanning उत्तेजित करना an already present suspicion  सन्देह करना of Muslims into flaming bushfires of fear. And it has, as we know well, been present in a significant  महत्त्वपूर्ण section of India's population ever since its traumatic(psychologically painful अभिघातज) birth as a nation in 1947.

Opinion polls in several countries suggest that on the heels झुकाव of the Paris and San Bernardino jihadist massacres सामूहिक हत्या large numbers of people in secular  धर्मनिरपेक्ष democracies like France and the US now agree with the bigoted  कट्टर views of the likes of Marine Le Pen and Donald Trump. Some of these people are themselves ideologically racists जातिवादी and bigots  धर्मान्ध; but many are simply scared भयभीत out of their wits  होश into believing demagogues जनसमुदाय का नेता who scream शोर मचाना that it's not just jihadists at the fringe  किनारी लगाना who must be confronted आमना सामना करा देना and defeated  परास्त, it is Islam itself.

A word of caution एहतियात before we jump to a conclusion  निष्कर्ष  that most people in the non-Muslim world have become Islamophobes. Those same polls show that while a majority of registered Republican voters in the US agree with Trump's plan to shut out Muslims from entering the country , a majority of all Americans disagree with him. By a similar margin, most Americans do not think Islam the religion is a problem, jihadism is. In India, too, unremitting निरंतर hostility  विरोध   towards Muslims is not a feeling shared by a majority of the people.

The problem with Islamophobia is the same as it is with other religions when anyone extrapolates बहिर्वेशन करना from the mindlessness  निरर्थकता of a radical ( स्वाभाविक,  असली, जड़ ) few to condemn( दोषी ठहराना) an entire faith. A small gang of Hindu bigots might lynch( बेकायदा मार डालना) a Muslim on suspicion( सन्देह करना) of storing beef in his fridge or kill an atheist  नास्तिक intellectual for criticising Hinduism, but in such instances  उदाहरण  we'd be foolish to label all Hindus as violent or to denounce  दोषारोपण करना Hinduism itself for the misdeeds दुराचार  of a few. And, when a white Christian lad takes a rifle to church in South Carolina and kills nine black devotees, can we blindly conclude that all white Christians are racist  जातिवादी?
But there is another side to the argument that is entangled  उलझा with the other two issues in Charb's forthcoming आने वाला book. While Islamophobia is entwined घनिष्ठता से जुड़ा होना with rising anxiety  उत्सुकता and a resultant  परिणामस्वरूप intolerance असहिष्णुता  towards the Other, blasphemy ईश्वर निन्दा  and free speech have been locked in combat  लड़ाई   ever since the advent आगमन of modern democracy with its commitment  वादा  to individual rights and the freedom of expression. This relationship has so far been outright  प्रत्यक्ष रूप से antagonistic प्रतिरोधी.

Blasphemy and free speech vary  भिन्न होना in definition and scope from society to society. What is blasphemous and punishable by death in Saudi Arabia is not the same in another Islamic country like Indonesia and definitely not a criminal offence in secular democracies. Similarly , the scope of free speech varies within democracies. In the US, for instance, it is legally okay to say offensive things about a religion and thus provoke  उत्तेजित करना hurt or anger; in India, this freedom is considerably more restricted by the Constitution.

The problem actually is a sectarian  सांप्रदायिक ideology विचारधारा : The flip side of Islamophobia is symbolised by a certain medieval  मध्यकालीन strain क्षति पहुँचाना of Islam that is nurtured लालन-पालन and propagated  प्रसारित primarily by Saudi clerics and their benefactors. Most Muslims in the world, including many Arabs as well as the majority living in non-Arab nations, do not subscribe  का ग्राहक होना to this Islam. They follow softer interpretations अनुवाद of the faith. So, is it Islamophobia to call out this particular brand of Islam as a challenge to modern civilisation  सभ्यता  and to the reputation of Islam as a religion of peace? If Muslims stand up to say that Wahhabism and Salafism are viruses infecting  संक्रमित करना the body of Islam, will it be blasphemy?
Alas  शोक, in this narrow  संकुचित version of radical Islam free speech is never allowed to trump डींग मारना blasphemy . Secularists धर्मनिरपेक्ष, be damned  अपराधी.

The Economic Times:The Sun Still Doesn't Shine on Solar Power

The proposition  कथन that finance minister Arun Jaitley is guilty  मुजरिम of a minor सूक्ष्म lapse  ग़लती at a cricket club is as ridiculous  हास्यास्पद as the notion that the Gandhis would filch  चुराना from the Congress party's coffers ख़ज़ाना. Yet, these specific charges have not just been made but also convulsed हिला देना politics into a tangle  उलझाना that has snarled  गाँठदार Parliament.On the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the charge against Jaitley has had an unsettling  बेचैन कर देना  effect. Ghosts, not necessarily of the Christmas Past, are haunting बार-बार याद आने वाला the party . Coming, as these visitations  निरीक्षण are, not from the usual oppositional विपक्षी nooks एकान्त स्थान and crannies दरार , but from its own space, one can assume that the `party with a difference' is a party with differences. If nothing else, that can be seen as a reassuring आश्वस्त करने वाला sign that the BJP is a `normal' Indian political party with `normal' problems besetting नाक में दम करना Indian political parties.

If suspended  निलंबित BJP MP from Darbhanga Kirti Azad is the latest home-grown troublemaker  उपद्रवी, other voices of dissent  असहमति have been wafting इशारा  from within the BJP ship since the Bihar assembly debacle  पराजय in Nov ember. Whether it is disgruntled असन्तुष्ट and disaffected  असन्तुष्ट party members now coming out of the woodwork  लकड़ी का सामान, or people growing less tolerant सहनशील of the doldrums(a state of inactivity (in business or art etc मंदी ) the party ship finds itself in, thereby stalling(कार्य को बाधित करना) the individual trajectories  वक्र रेखा  of some of its passengers, the BJP needs to do some housework.

The BJP as a party looks strangely out of control. One can only suggest that empowering members -both in government and in party -could stem काबू में करना what can become a tide  कठिन काम को पार लगाना of voluble  चञ्चल dissent  मतभेद . The BJP-led government has much work to do in the coming year. Implosions अन्तःस्फोट  are an avoidable distraction  पागलपन. The solution is to manage dissent  विरोध , not quash अमान्य घोषित करना it. Engagement कार्य  and reaching out( फैलना) are as important within the party as without. And that is one trick that seems to have escaped  फरार the BJP leadership.

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