Newspaper Editorials With Vocab 10/3/2016

#everydayquiz #Read Daily #improve English

#the hindu #business standard #The DNA #The dawn #indian express

THE HINDU: Maria Sharapova and a poser for sport

Two months after the tennis world was rocked by match-fixing allegations, Maria Sharapova, a five-time Grand Slam champion and the highest-paid female athlete, dropped a bombshell when she admitted to testing positive for the recently prohibited drug meldonium at the Australian Open.

She has been provisionally suspended from March 12. The drug was added to the Prohibited List of 2016 on January 1 after being on the World Anti-Doping Agency’s (WADA) monitoring list in 2015. The Agency banned the substance because of “evidence of its use by athletes with the intention of enhancing performance”. According to WADA, a substance is placed in the prohibited list if it enhances performance, poses a threat to health, or violates the spirit of sport. In this case, by aiding the circulation of oxygen through increased blood flow, the medication (primarily meant to treat serious heart problems) enhances performance, thus violating the spirit of sport. The effect of the drug is similar to other banned substances — autogenous and allogeneic blood transfusion for extra doses of red cells and the erythropoietin hormone to produce more red blood cells to increase oxygen supply to muscles, thereby enhancing endurance. Since the drug was banned on January 1, 2016, the titles Sharapova won during her career will not be taken back. Nonetheless, by netting one of the biggest stars, the tennis anti-doping programme has at once brought to an end the debate on whether it has been soft on tennis players; two other tennis players were caught as recently as in 2013.

While some may be inclined to consider Sharapova’s an “honest mistake”, as she “did not know” that the mildronate medication that she had been taking for the last 10 years is also known as meldonium, it raises a few questions. Sharapova has been residing in Florida since 1994, and it is unclear how she gained access to the drug, as it is not approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. She is still to adequately explain the medical requirements that necessitated its consumption for a decade, as according to the company that manufactures the drug, the treatment course may “vary from four to six weeks” and it can be “repeated twice or thrice a year”. But she can seek a retroactive therapeutic use exemption by proving the merit of her case. Whether or not she enjoyed the performance-enhancing benefits of the drug during the last decade, it once again underlines the fact that scientific evidence-gathering and testing methods are slow to catch up with the increased use of performance-enhancing substances. This case should serve as a reminder for India too to clean up its act. While India may not be producing many world-class athletes and sportspersons, it ranks very high in terms of the number of cheats. According to a 2013 WADA report, with 91 dope offenders, India is ranked third, behind Russia and Turkey. Russia had 212 persons testing positive for prohibited substances, while Turkey had 155.

rocked by

If an ​event rocks a ​group of ​people or ​society, it ​causes​feelings of ​shock:

bomb·shell

An overwhelming surprise or disappointment

        en·dur·ance

The fact or power of enduring an unpleasant or difficult process or situation without giving way.

THE HINDU: Evasive politics on Muzaffarnagar

Those who don’t learn from history may be fated to repeat it, but what about those who don’t get their history down in the first place? India’s record in officially taking stock of communal riots has been especially poor in recent decades, and the report of the Justice Vishnu Sahai commission inquiring into the 2013 Muzaffarnagar violence plays to form. The report, tabled in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly this month, zeroes in on the “negligence” of the local administration, the “failure” of the intelligence agencies and exaggeration on social and print media for the violence that coursed through many districts of U.P., leaving more than 60 dead and 60,000 homeless, an overwhelming number of them Muslims. Commissions of inquiry are often guided, by framing the terms of reference in a particular way, to conclusions that are politically manageable for governments. Whether by omission or by the terms set for it, the Sahai commission appears to have exonerated the entire political class. It has also stopped short of extending the line of responsibility for local administrative failures to the Secretariat in Lucknow. Certainly, responsibility must be fixed on the intelligence and administrative machinery for failing to pick up and act upon signs of trouble leading up to a combustive mahapanchayat of September 7, 2013. But once the mahapanchayat gave a rousing war cry, as violence was visited upon unsuspecting rural dwellings in Muzaffarnagar and neighbouring districts, and as the survivors fled in search of safety, the Akhilesh Yadav government distinguished itself by responding exceedingly slowly, a lack of haste that was widely seen to be deliberate.

While giving a clean chit to Mr. Yadav’s Samajwadi Party government, the Sahai report mostly glosses over the role of the Sangh Parivar in the violence. There appears to be an effort on the part of the SP to deny the Bharatiya Janata Party any opportunity to bring Muzaffarnagar back into the political discourse — indeed, to deny the BJP a chance to sharpen communal politics. Just recently, the BJP’s candidate won a by-election in Muzaffarnagar after a polarising campaign. If this is an indication that the SP is regretting its obvious strategy in 2013 to play along with the BJP’s divisive politics in the hope that it would consolidate the anti-BJP votes to its advantage, the party would have to do much more to come clean. The fissures that started showing in September 2013 have grown with time. These have to be addressed administratively, by providing compensation to the victims and bringing the guilty to book. But they cannot be fixed if the politics itself remains evasive, with the BJP using its Hindutva strategy to consolidate its vote and its opponents side-stepping the issue for fear of giving Hindutva more oxygen. The Narendra Modi government made a statement about where it stands by making one of the accused, Sanjeev Balyan, a Union Minister. That the Samajwadi Party government and the Opposition parties refuse to engagingly contest the anodyne conclusions of the Sahai report is a depressing indication that, for now, the political healing touch needed to rectify the wrongs of 2013 is absent.

e·va·sive

Tending to avoid commitment or self-revelation, especially by responding only indirectly.

ex·ag·ger·a·tion

A statement that represents something as better or worse than it really is.

combustive

Comburent: supporting combustion

dwell·ing

A house, apartment, or other place of residence.

glosses over

to ​avoid ​considering something, such as an ​embarrassing​mistake, to make it ​seem not ​important, and to ​quickly​continue ​talking about something ​else:

e·va·sive

Tending to avoid commitment or self-revelation, especially by responding only indirectly.

...

engagingly

Winsomely: in an engaging manner; "she played the role engagingly"

an·o·dyne

Not likely to provoke dissent or offense; inoffensive, often deliberately so.

BUSINESS STANDARD: Lax system

A day after a consortium of 13 banks approached the Supreme Court to prevent controversial industrialist Vijay Mallya from leaving the country, the court was told on Wednesday that the former chairman of United Spirits Limited had been in London since March 2. While he may not be able to escape the legal process for long, as the Supreme Court has issued notices to him, the entire saga is an example of how crony capitalism has grown deep roots in the country and how banks have dragged their feet when big names are involved. Several of his lenders have a lot to answer for, if they have to counter the growing perception about their cosy relationship with an errant promoter. Why, for example, did they take four years to move the apex court? How could they lend crores of rupees to Kingfisher when pledged assets were only one-tenth of the value of the loan? Or, as the apex court asked, why were loans given to Mr Mallya when he was a defaulter and was facing legal proceedings? It's also not clear how banks attached such a high value to the Kingfisher Airlines brand and used it as collateral for giving huge loans. The government's promises apart, public sector banks still await an institutional mechanism and an operational environment that can insulate their lending from political and other influences.

The country's legal framework has also added to the problem; for example, after United Bank of India declared Mr Mallya a wilful defaulter, a court struck it down on technical grounds. There are countless other examples of promoters delaying the loan recovery process on some legal grounds or the other, thereby allowing wilful defaulters to become "freeloaders" - to borrow a term used by Reserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan. As the Kingfisher example shows, an inordinately long time in taking action against defaulters only helps in erosion of the value of the underlying assets, leaving nothing much to banks. In that context, the bankruptcy code now in Parliament is of critical importance. Like in the West, a modern law with a focus on speedy closure will help firms on the brink to be either restructured or sold off with limited pain for all involved. In some cases, if this is done swiftly, assets can be put to good use and the firm can be revived. Fast-track courts too are needed in India to take these cases to closure fast.

ndia does have some laws - including one on securitisation and reconstruction of financial assets and enforcement of security interest or the SARFAESI Act - and other mechanisms, like Strategic Debt Restructuring, to address the problem of corporate insolvency. But many of these laws or guidelines have not worked because of inefficient enforcement. For example, banks rely on debt recovery tribunals that were created under a 1993 law to help financial institutions reclaim loans. But the tribunals have been swamped with so many cases that it may take at least another four years to clear them. Mr Mallya is right when he said on Sunday in a grandiose statement that while he has been declared a wilful defaulter, many large borrowers who owe much more have got away. But swift action on the Mallya case is important, as it will set a strong example for the rest of the large defaulters who have taken the banking system for a ride.

con·sor·ti·um

An association, typically of several business companies.

crony capitalism 

an ​economic ​system in which family ​members and friends of ​government ​officials and ​business ​leaders are given ​unfair​advantages in the ​form of ​jobs, ​loans, etc

swamp

Overwhelm or flood with water.

gran·di·ose

Impressive or magnificent in appearance or style, especially pretentiously so.

for a ride

to ​deceive or ​cheat someone:

INDIAN EXPRESS: Speak, comrades

Even as national leaders of the CPM address Parliament on the importance of dissent, tolerance of a diversity of views and decency in political discourse, their leaders and cadres in Kannur, a party stronghold in Kerala, speak a different language. Just in the past month, party workers have been accused of murder and assault in at least two incidents. On February 15, an RSS activist was killed in his home in a village in the district. On Tuesday, an auto driver, a BJPworker, ferrying schoolchildren, was dragged out of the vehicle and hacked. In both cases, the police suspect CPM workers. With elections approaching in the state, there is fear that the political violence could spiral out of control.

Certainly, the violence in Kannur is not a one-sided affair. In fact, a majority of the victims — one estimate puts the number of political murders in Kannur in the past three decades at 300 — belong to the CPM. By all accounts, though the BJP is electorally weak, the RSS has the muscle to target the superior organisational strength of the CPM. Yet as a powerful force in the state, the CPM must explain the involvement of its own leaders in the unrelenting violence. In the run-up to elections, the party’s Kannur secretary, P. Jayarajan, is in jail for allegedly plotting a political rival’s murder. The local leadership may boast that strong-arm tactics have helped the CPM dominate the district, but the violence deployed in Kannur has not just brutalised the political fight here but also dented the party’s support and image elsewhere in the state. The use of violence to dominate the political space has longer-term repercussions for the CPM. The test of a party’s claim is how it behaves in the areas it dominates. In the case of the CPM, its practices in Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura matter. The violence in Kannur, therefore, undermines the party’s claim at the national level to a more moral politics. Second, the rules of political conduct in a particular setting are often derived from the practice of the dominant party. Political violence was given legitimacy and institutionalised in West Bengal, where the CPM was in office for over three decades. And now, the Trinamool Congress uses the same instrument to keep the CPM in check in the state.

Ideological rigidity and outmoded organisational methods have forced the Left to retreat from most of the country where it once had a political presence. It must reflect on whether it can allow the brutality in Kannur to undermine the possibilities of the emergence of a new Left

dis·sent

Hold or express opinions that are at variance with those previously, commonly, or officially expressed.

as·sault

Make a physical attack on.

fer·ry

Convey in a ferry or other ship or boat, especially across a short stretch of water.

un·re·lent·ing

Not yielding in strength, severity, or determination.

re·per·cus·sion

An unintended consequence occurring some time after an event or action, especially an unwelcome one.

out·mod·ed

Old-fashioned.

bru·tal·i·ty

Savage physical violence; great cruelty.

THE DAWN: Shahbaz Taseer freed

THE return of Shahbaz Taseer to his family after spending four and a half years in captivity has sent a wave of optimism across the country.

The kidnapping, that took place some months after the assassination of Mr Taseer’s father Salmaan Taseer in 2011, had raised several questions about the motives and identity of the kidnappers.

Meanwhile, one can only imagine the relief and joy of the Taseer family and hope for a similar outcome for Ali Haider Gilani — the son of former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani — who was kidnapped in 2013.

Considering that both Mr Taseer and Mr Gilani are scions of families with clout in the corridors of power, one wonders what the plight of common citizens who have undergone a similar ordeal must be.

After all, there are hundreds of other families in the country waiting to be reunited with their loved ones. This moment affords an opportunity to stress the importance of energising all efforts for their recovery.

Meanwhile, speculation continues in the case of Mr Taseer regarding his recovery. The earliest statements given by the Balochistan police and Frontier Corps conflict with reports given by locals in Kuchlak about the circumstances of Mr Taseer’s recovery.

Locals say Mr Taseer walked into a restaurant, had a meal, paid for it and asked for a phone to be able to make a call, implying that he had already been released by his captors. But police and Frontier Corps speak of a ‘raid’ at a local hotel, during which they found the premises to be empty with only Shahbaz Taseer inside who identified himself to them.

This kind of confusion doesn’t inspire confidence in the account of the law enforcers, and should be cleared up at the earliest.

There are also questions about whether the recovery, or release, of Shahbaz Taseer might be linked with an earlier search operation that was conducted in Kuchlak on Feb 25, and during which around 30 Afghans were taken into custody, as well as similar search operations in that area a few days earlier. Did intelligence acquired from one of those taken into captivity lead to Mr Taseer’s recovery?

The circumstances surrounding his abduction also remain shrouded in mystery. Unless there is clarity, speculation is bound to be rife.

For instance, some media reports claim the abduction was the handiwork of a small Lahore-based cell of college-educated youth with loose ties to militant groups, who also ‘freelance’ as organised criminals.

In the absence of more authoritative information about the episode, various reports will undoubtedly continue to circulate in this fashion.

The authorities should do their best to prevent that and brief the public about the episode at the earliest.

as·sas·si·na·tion

The action of assassinating someone.

sci·on

A young shoot or twig of a plant, especially one cut for grafting or rooting

clout

A heavy blow with the hand or a hard object.

or·deal

A painful or horrific experience, especially a protracted one.

shroud

Wrap or dress (a body) in a shroud for burial.

THE DNA: Intractable illegal immigration

Illegal cross-border immigration is one of the most burning issues in Assam. Political parties, student organisations, social groups, intellectuals and citizens here have long been voicing their grave concern over the rise in influx of people into the state from neighbouring Bangladesh. The presence of a large number of Bangladeshis, mainly Muslims, has reportedly changed the demographic landscape in some border districts of the state and the situation hasn’t changed on the ground even after the Narendra Modi-led BJP government came to power at the Centre.

During the last parliamentary polls, the issue of detection and deportation of illegal migrants topped the list of priorities in the election manifestos of all the major political parties in the state. The Congress, in the last general elections, committed with a renewed vigour to make the state free of illegal foreigners and the BJP promised to detect and deport all Bangladeshis illegally staying in India to their country of origin without any delay, if Modi comes to power.

Though steps have been taken in the form of updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC) by the Assam government under the supervision of the Supreme Court, doubts have been raised that the NRC update process is marred by maximum chances of large number of Bangladeshi migrants living illegally in the state to have their names enrolled as Indian citizens. The draft NRC was supposed to be ready by January 1 this year, but the deadline has been missed by miles. On this issue, the apex court refused to give any fresh deadline to Dispur, saying that the task needs to be wrapped up soon. Given the dilly-dallying by the state government, it is now doubtful whether the revised deadline of March 31, 2016, could be met. The exchange of border enclaves was another step taken by New Delhi to stop cross-border influx.

In Assam, the illegal migrants are neither myth nor complete reality, if we analyse the history of immigration into the state. While a section considers all immigrants as ‘illegal immigrants’, the other section describes the whole issue as a ‘myth’. Even Dhaka, on all occasions, refuses to accept that there has been any influx into India at all. The debate goes on.

Now, the state is gearing up for assembly elections and it is expected that the political parties as usual will take up the issue as political opportunity and use it to generate ‘fear’ among voters. But this time the trend seems to be different. The major political parties in the state are more inclined to fight the elections mainly on development issues. Almost every day, the pages of prominent newspapers here are splashed with advertisements depicting development initiatives taken by the state’s Tarun Gogoi government or the BJP government at the Centre. Huge posters of a ‘confident’, yet ‘aggressive’ Chief Minister Gogoi can be seen all over Guwahati city and other major towns of the state, either projecting his government’s achievements in the last 15 years or slamming the Modi sarkar.

The truth is that the political parties in Assam are not bothered about the illegal immigration issue like they did earlier. For the political class, illegal migrants are like ‘ghosts’. They know these doubtful citizens exist in the state, grabbing land of the indigenous people and outnumbering the latter in some districts, but they can’t see them. These migrants are everywhere in the state in the guise of rickshaw-pullers, roving vegetable vendors, daily wage labourers, cattle traders, humble non-native Bengali-speaking low-end job seekers in the bordering areas, etc.

Though no reliable figures are available, according to some reports, there are about 20 million Bangladeshi immigrants in the country at present. Some official figures released way back in December 2001 say that there were an estimated 5 million foreigners in Assam.

The most worrying factor is despite detection of many illegal foreigners in the state in the past several years, the government has failed to keep track of them. The Gauhati High Court also expressed its concern over large number of immigrants going missing in the state. According to an official record, over 38,000 persons declared as foreigners by Tribunals have gone missing in Assam since 1985, with the government saying most of them had either absconded and some may have died.

Those Bangladeshis who are poor and mainly live in border areas enter India for better economic opportunities and life. This immigration has been going on since pre-Independence days in varying degrees. Unofficial reports say that in recent times, illegal migration of poor Bangladeshi Hindus into India has increased due to rise in Islamic fanaticism in that country. Security agencies, however, say that cross-border infiltration into the North-east has now significantly dipped due to increased patrolling.

The reality is that such migration can’t be completely stopped unless these people feel economically and socially secure in their country. Another problem is that these illegal entrants, most of whom are young, don’t confine themselves to Assam; they fan out across the country for much better opportunities and assimilate with the people. The day is not far when many more illegal Bangladeshis would be found in India’s developed states than in Assam.

The security agencies may argue that manning the 4,096-km long erosion and flood-prone border (riverine at many places and open at some places) is not an easy job, but such continuous infiltration cannot take place without the likely involvement of a section of border guards on both sides. A well established underground economy is thriving on both sides of the Indo-Bangla border and the persons concerned are reaping benefits.

But how do these Bangladeshis vanish? Not all of them, but a majority of the infiltrators know whom to approach in Assam or other bordering states after crossing the border or even at border points. Many of them have reportedly been able to acquire voter IDs, ration cards and other documents for legitimacy. Once they get it, they just go off the law-enforcement agencies’ radar.

Regarding solution to the infiltration problem, an impregnable border security system is a must, despite several practical problems on the ground. A report reveals that nearly 30 per cent watch-posts meant for keeping a tab on illegal infiltrators are lying non-functional in the state.

in·trac·ta·ble

Hard to control or deal with.

vig·or

Physical strength and good health.

dilly-dally

to ​waste ​time, ​especially by being ​slow, or by not being ​ableto make a ​decision

splash

Cause (liquid) to strike or fall on something in irregular drops.

ab·scond

Leave hurriedly and secretly, typically to avoid detection of or arrest for an unlawful action such as theft.

infiltration

A process in which individuals (or small groups) penetrate an area (especially the military penetration of enemy positions without detection)

im·preg·na·ble

(of a fortified position) unable to be captured or broken into.

#SSC #IBPS #SBI #RBI #NABARD #NICL #NIACL #CAT #NMAT #everydayquiz