Newspaper Editorials With English Vocab 23/3/2016

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THE HINDU, INDIAN EXPRESS , BUSINESS STANDARD , THE DNA , THE DAWN

THE HINDU: A pivotal shift to Cuba

American President Barack Obama’s visit to Cuba is a remarkable moment in global diplomacy for various reasons. Till a few years ago, a U.S. President walking down the streets of Old Havana with his family,

meeting the Cuban leader at the Palace of Revolution and even saying that the U.S. should face up to criticism by Cuba — all would have looked beyond imagination. The two countries, bitter foes during the Cold War era, remained hostile towards each other even after the collapse of the Soviet Union, till President Obama and his Cuban counterpart, Raúl Castro — who succeeded his brother and leader of the Cuban revolution Fidel Castro in 2008 — began a process of rapprochement in December 2014. Over the past several months, Washington took a number of steps, including removing Cuba from its list of nations charged with sponsoring terrorism, to restore confidence in bilateral relations. Havana reciprocated by reopening its embassy in Washington. Mr. Obama’s visit, the first by a U.S. President since 1928, is the symbolic culmination of this diplomatic engagement. It confirms the view that Washington’s traditional Cuba policy, rooted in Cold War animosity, is way past its use-by date. In July 2015, after both countries announced that they would restore diplomatic relations, Mr. Obama said the U.S. had been “clinging to a policy that was not working”. Despite U.S. efforts to weaken the Communist Party’s rule, Cuba stood tall in Latin America. Even those who expected Cuba to fall after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, as the country was largely dependent on aid from Moscow, were proved wrong. A new wave of socialist forces in the continent actually strengthened Cuba’s standing in the region. The blunted opposition of the Cuban American community towards Havana, as well as the demand from American capitalist sections, especially big farming, for new markets, may also have influenced Mr. Obama’s thinking. Cuba’s positive responses to U.S. overtures, mainly driven by economic imperatives, set the stage for a grand deal.

But the road ahead may not be all that smooth. The hour-long joint media conference in Havana, despite all its hype, also exposed old grievances. President Castro demanded that the embargo be liftedand Guantánamo returned to Cuba for full normalisation of relations. President Obama said he had pressed the Cuban leader over his country’s treatment of dissidents. All this indicates that full normalisation of ties will take time. The removal of sanctions needs Congressional approval, which, given the opposition to the rapprochement from Conservative Republicans, is unlikely to come in the near future. Also, it has to be seen what the next U.S. President’s Cuba policy will be. On the other side, Cuba is unlikely to radically overhaul its approach towards dissent. Nor does the Communist Party have any plan to end its monopoly over power. But future challenges should not cloud the significance of this week’s breakthrough. Mr. Obama and Mr. Castro have created a historic momentum in bilateral ties, and it is up to the next generation of leaders to build on it.

piv·ot·al

Of crucial importance in relation to the development or success of something else.

re·mark·a·ble

Worthy of attention; striking

foe

An enemy or opponent.

coun·ter·part

A person or thing holding a position or performing a function that corresponds to that of another person or thing in another place.

re·cip·ro·cate

Respond to (a gesture or action) by making a corresponding one.

cul·mi·na·tion

The highest or climactic point of something, especially as attained after a long time.

cling·ing

(of a garment) fitting closely to the body and showing its shape.

blunt

Make or become less sharp.

rap·proche·ment

(especially in international relations) an establishment or resumption of harmonious relations.

o·ver·haul

Take apart (a piece of machinery or equipment) in order to examine it and repair it if necessary

break·through

A sudden, dramatic, and important discovery or development.

THE HINDU: Wise counsel needed in Uttarakhand

The political crisis in Uttarakhand finally, and inevitably, reached Rashtrapati Bhavan on Monday, with Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party delegations separately seeking President Pranab Mukherjee’s attention. The BJP has demanded the dismissal of the Congress’ Harish Rawat government, arguing that it has lost its majority, and questioning the role of Speaker Govind Singh Kunjwal in refusing a division of the vote on the State Budget. The party claims it now has the support of 36 MLAs in the 70-member Assembly, including of nine rebel Congress MLAs. The Congress party, in turn, charged the BJP with using “unconstitutional means”, and expressed apprehensions about the Centre imposing President’s Rule in the State. As the timeline holds, Mr. Rawat has to prove his majority in the House by March 28. Meanwhile, the Speaker has given the nine rebel MLAs time till March 26 to reply to notices asking them to show cause why they should not lose their membership of the Assembly under the Anti-Defection Act. The Congress has also expelled its former Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna’s son, who is leading the revolt. The spark for the rebellion is linked to the spoils of office. Mr. Bahuguna reportedly wanted ministerial posts for his loyalists, portfolios that are currently held by members of the Progressive Democratic Front, which has a total of six seats in the House and supports the Congress.

With this, Uttarakhand unfortunately faces a new phase of political uncertainty. It was created out of Uttar Pradesh in 2000 after a long grass-roots level struggle for statehood to meet the unique administrative needs of the Himalayan region. The State’s composite character demands genuine, responsive politics to bind the 13 districts into an organic whole. Indeed, party politics, as contrasted with the social coalition that won the statehood, is still a work in progress in crafting the balance and depth to keep the different regions and constituencies on board. Both the BJP and the Congress, during their respective stints in power, have struggled to paper over intra-party rivalries. In the case of the Congress, it has finally spilled over into outright rebellion. Mr. Rawat had been seen to be the front runner for the chief ministership after the 2012 Assembly elections, when the Congress high command airdropped Mr. Bahuguna, perceived to be a Gandhi family loyalist. Two years later, he was replaced by Mr. Rawat. Now, the ambit of the Anti-Defection Act is being tested in ways that could influence — and nastily so — the campaign for the next Assembly elections, due by early 2017. It is important that lessons in propriety from the recent experience in Arunachal Pradesh be learnt and the sanctity of the office of Governor be protected. It is not clear how much of the Uttarakhand rebellion has been extraneously engineered and how much of it draws from the Congress’ lax political management. Either way, the Centre needs to handle the situation with a light touch, and it must wait out the vote of confidence sought by the Governor.

in·ev·i·ta·bly

As is certain to happen; unavoidably.

del·e·ga·tion

A body of delegates or representatives; a deputation.

dis·miss·al

The act of ordering or allowing someone to leave.

ap·pre·hen·sion

Anxiety or fear that something bad or unpleasant will happen.

re·port·ed·ly

According to what some say (used to express the speaker's belief that the information given is not necessarily true).

con·trast

Differ strikingly.

air·drop

Drop (such things) by parachute.

air·drop

Drop (such things) by parachute.

sanc·ti·ty

The state or quality of being holy, sacred, or saintly.

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INDIAN EXPRESS: Three’s not a crowd

Nepal Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli’s week-long visit to China was expected to be as much about substantive agreements as about signalling and point-scoring. While the two purposes are not entirely distinct, the latter is certainly aimed at New Delhi — especially in the aftermath of Oli’s India trip last month that had, at best, mixed results. Among the big-ticket deals is the transit agreement, which will give Nepal transit rights to Chinese ports, ending — if the project is deemed economically viable and implementable — India’s monopoly on the transit of Nepal’s supplies through the Haldia port in West Bengal. Nepal has also asked China for an extension of its Tibetan railway into its territory as well as road connectivity, even as the much-anticipated deal on petroleum supplies remains pending.

The crisis caused by the five-month-long Madhesi blockade was a point of no return for Kathmandu. But Delhi must take stock of the developments and its own capacity for turning them to its advantage. While tiny Nepal, sandwiched between two giant neighbours, will inevitably play one against the other, it’s not in India’s interest to respond with panic or peevishness. China is going to loom over the subcontinent for the foreseeable future and Delhi can’t take issue with Nepal for desiring Chinese aid and investment. Instead, Delhi should capitalise on the potential connectivity boom and work with Beijing to build Nepal into its own bridge to Tibet and beyond. The problem, of course, is that Nepal may not see itself as that link, while Beijing, in practice, is unlikely to savour the prospect of opening up the Tibetan entry route to foreigners.

It’s time to re-imagine India’s deep and traditional ties with Nepal to answer the new political consciousness in the Himalayan state. China can be a help and not a hindrance, if Delhi plays its own cards right.

sub·stan·tive

Having a firm basis in reality and therefore important, meaningful, or considerable.

af·ter·math

The consequences or aftereffects of a significant unpleasant event.

sand·wich

Insert or squeeze (someone or something) between two other people or things, typically in a restricted space or so as to be uncomfortable.

peevishness

Irritability: an irritable petulant feeling

fore·see·a·ble

Able to be foreseen or predicted.

BUSINESS STANDARD: Insurance questions

At the recent Business Standard Insurance Round Table, the leaders of the industry signalled that far-reaching changes were afoot in the sector. New foreign direct investment regulations have been notified that will allow foreigners to buy 49 per cent of insurance companies through the automatic route; the Foreign Investment Promotion Board has also cleared several big-ticket investments. The Budget, too, made welcome attempts to bring in transparency and funding to the sector, in particular through the possibility that public sector general insurance giants would be listed on the stock exchanges. As this newspaper reports, a plan is afoot to offload up to 10 per cent equity of state-owned general insurance companies through an initial public offering. These are welcome signs. But, in the midst of this energy, open questions remain. For example, the government has pushed several social security schemes on to the insurance sector, and they will need to be very carefully structured to both maintain fiscal prudence and to avoid destabilising this vital industry.

The Budget announced two schemes. Of these, the National Health Protection Scheme (NHPS) offers health insurance at a highly subsidised rate. The NHPS has a capped premium and capped payout of up to Rs 1 lakh per family, with Rs 30,000 more for senior citizens. The Budget provision has been raised, from Rs 595 crore to Rs 1,500 crore, "to protect one-third of India's population against hospitalisation". The other scheme, the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY), modifies existing crop insurance schemes. Unfortunately, crop claims will still be triggered on every holding in a region, a problem in past schemes that has not been remedied. The Centre and respective states will subsidise PMFBY equally, picking up almost all the premium. The premiums will range from two per cent for kharif crops, 1.5 per cent for rabi crops and five per cent for commercial crops. The earlier Modified National Agricultural Insurance Scheme had a premium of around 2.7 to three per cent for many years; the official documentation claimed that premium rates should be between 1.5 per cent and three per cent, with additional premium subsidies for small farmers.

But, while few of the structural holes in the schemes have been addressed, an ambitious broadening of scope is planned. Only 20 million of India's 140 million farmers had crop insurance in 2014-15. The value covered was only about 5.5 per cent of crops across about 23 per cent of total area under cultivation. The PMFBY aims to expand insurance cover to 50 per cent of farmers, and half of land under cultivation by 2018-19. Unlike previous crop insurance schemes, which had capped liabilities, the PMFBY is uncapped and also covers a far wider range of adverse events. In effect, the Centre picks up almost half the premium. The Centre will also bear a large share of claims payouts. The PMFBY Budget provision of Rs 5,500 crore will help set up systems and subsidise premiums. But it will not necessarily be enough to cover claims, which could be very large. Last year for example, 200-odd districts in nine states suffered drought with crop losses estimated at over Rs 25,000 crore from drought alone. Floods, cyclones, and so on are also common. Claims could add up to huge amounts. The question is whether the impact on the general insurance sector has been properly calculated. Social security schemes must be carefully structured so as to maintain sustainability if claims skyrocket, as seems possible with the PMBSY. The sector has many other roles in a market economy - it is a vital source of long-term capital, for example. It must not be hobbled by such an over-emphasis on the social sector that it cannot fulfil its other roles.

a·foot

In preparation or progress; happening or beginning to happen.

off·load

Unload (a cargo).

am·bi·tious

Having or showing a strong desire and determination to succeed.

broad·en

Become larger in distance from side to side; widen.

pay·out

A large payment of money, especially as compensation or a dividend.

sky·rock·et

A rocket designed to explode high in the air as a signal or firework.

hob·ble

Walk in an awkward way, typically because of pain from an injury.

THE DNA: The fear of others

The time for change has come. The voter in general in Assam is ready to see an end to the 15-year-old ‘misrule’ of Congress party. But his march towards the ballot box is still filled with trepidation of being enveloped by the futility that stared at him all this while. The disappointment stretches back to the time when he was betrayed by Asom Gana Parishad or AGP, a party which took upon itself to fulfil his regional dream but fell flat on its promise as its eulogised leaders shirked the responsibility of development and filled their own coffers instead.

Now, who does he vote for? All India United Democratic Front, founded by cleric-perfumer Badruddin Ajmal in 2004, primarily indulges in divisive politics based on a religious plank and unashamedly propagates the cause of Muslim settlers in the state. Although AIUDF had eaten into the Congress bastion initially, a political marriage of convenience virtually ties up both the parties in the corridors of power. However, Ajmal’s enduring efforts to bring Congress into a pre-poll alliance this time has turned out to be non-productive.

This divisive nature of AIUDF has apparently given an impetus to identity politics. With constant change in demographic equations, the Assamese voter fears that he may lose his cultural and linguistic entity. This apprehension cannot be pooh-poohed as a recent survey of states going to polls this year indicates that Muslim population in Assam has grown steadily and reached a whopping 34 per cent. It is clear to all that these settlers have been crossing the border since Independence or even earlier and the party which had turned them into a formidable vote bank through the Sixties and the Seventies was none other than the Congress, thanks to its ambitious leaders like Dev Kant Barooah and Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed for giving a head-start to this trend. These votes are primarily shared by the Congress and AIUDF.

The six-year-long All Assam Students’ Union agitation resulted in signing of the famous Assam accord by its leaders in 1985. An important clause of this accord was that March 25, 1971 would be the cut-off date for migrants coming in from across the border — that is, all those who entered the state after this deadline would have to be detected and deported. But it would not be far from truth to say that nothing of this sort happened; instead, illegal immigrants have become part and parcel of Assam’s populace. As mentioned earlier, when AGP, an offshoot of this agitation, cut its teeth at politics, it left a lot to be desired even after being put on the pedestal of power twice by the expectant voter.

While staring at uncertainty, Assam got an opportunity in 2014 and jumped at it; and how: out of the 14 Lok Sabha seats, voters in a first returned seven BJP candidates to Parliament. The party, which could win only a couple of seats in earlier LS polls and just about a handful in the assembly elections, was upbeat and saw bright rays of hope. It started sowing seeds of a potential winning game at the grass roots to make the organisation count in a state where regionalism is an innate political component. Even after being a national party, Congress, too, had embraced this feature, albeit to hoodwink the voter. From the start, the BJP big guns began shooting from the hip on issues that regional netas consider detrimental to the interests of the state and AGP leaders went all guns blazing against a sectarian BJP’s consideration of letting Hindu illegal migrants stay on, betrayal on the river damming issue and the land boundary agreement with Bangladesh. Such an attitude of the national party didn’t go well with the masses as well. The goodwill that was shared during the LS polls started taking a downward trend.

Eventually realising that the game they face would be as tricky as the uneven terrain of Assam, the BJP weighed other options. The drubbing that it took in Delhi and Bihar polls also played catalyst in making its leaders foresee what may lie ahead. AGP, on the other hand, was still busy tightening the loose ends to catapult itself back to its previous glory. However, that seemed a tough task as people lost faith in its primary leadership. At such a juncture, an electoral alliance seemed to be the wisest idea. BJP announced a five-party coalition with AGP, Bodoland People’s Front or BPF and two other allies representing Rabha and Tiwa ethnic groups. BPF runs the Autonomous Council administration in northern Assam. But this alliance has not gone down well with many aspirants as well as grass-roots workers of both AGP and BJP. With AGP getting only 24 of 126 assembly seats in the pact, many in the party feel that an opportunity to come back to power by itself has been lost. In order to show their disappointment, certain well-known leaders have come together to float the AGP Anchalikatabadi Mancha. This coalition has also resulted in the formation of Trinamool BJP by those aspirants whose potential seats have been surrendered to AGP. It is noteworthy that the BJP had won 10 seats in the 2006 assembly elections and only five in the next. The BPF, which did well in the previous two polls, faces a formidable rival this time in United People’s Party. UPP, led by a former parliamentarian, has aligned itself with the Congress.

What is evident now is that the voter in Assam has a tough task at hand on April 4 and 11. Be it for development or for an overall change, he has to be extra diligent in exercising his franchise. Parties apart, if he votes in consideration of community, religion, language et al, then the candidate with a numerical majority may return; but, will this serve his purpose? Not likely. With BJP-AGP, their offshoots, BPF, UPP, AIUDF and the old warhorse Congress ready to take the big plunge, he has a complex arithmetic to work out. As for identity politics, in a state with numerous ethnic groups and, of course, the Muslim settlers, the maxim is: most people are other people.

bal·lot

A process of voting, in writing and typically in secret.

trep·i·da·tion

A feeling of fear or agitation about something that may happen.

trep·i·da·tion

A feeling of fear or agitation about something that may happen.

stare

Look fixedly or vacantly at someone or something with one's eyes wide open.

eu·lo·gize

Praise highly in speech or writing.

shirk

Avoid or neglect (a duty or responsibility).

cof·fer

A strongbox or small chest for holding valuables.

plank

A long, thin, flat piece of timber, used especially in building and flooring.

unashamedly

Without shame; "he unashamedly abandoned the project when he realized he would not gain from it"

prop·a·gate

Breed specimens of (a plant, animal, etc.) by natural processes from the parent stock.

bas·tion

A projecting part of a fortification built at an angle to the line of a wall, so as to allow defensive fire in several directions

en·dure

Suffer (something painful or difficult) patiently.

lin·guis·tic

Of or relating to language or linguistics.

pooh

Used to express disgust at an unpleasant smell.

whop·ping

Very large.

for·mi·da·ble

Inspiring fear or respect through being impressively large, powerful, intense, or capable.

off·shoot

A side shoot or branch on a plant.

ped·es·tal

The base or support on which a statue, obelisk, or column is mounted.

up·beat

(in music) an unaccented beat preceding an accented beat.

in·nate

Inborn; natural.

hood·wink

Deceive or trick (someone).

ter·rain

A stretch of land, especially with regard to its physical features

drub·bing

A beating; a thrashing.

fore·see

Be aware of beforehand; predict.

cat·a·pult

A device in which accumulated tension is suddenly released to hurl an object some distance, in particular.

junc·ture

A particular point in events or time.

dil·i·gent

Having or showing care and conscientiousness in one's work or duties.

THE DAWN : Waiting to go back home

IT is talked up as a core goal in Fata. The army chief is known to focus on the issue. The political government vows it will get it done. And the newly appointed Khyber Pakhtunkhwa governor has said that it is his foremost priority.

The return of IDPs to Fata is, of course, of vital importance to the stability of the tribal region. But there is a very human dimension to that need: the denizens of Fata have sacrificed so much more than the average citizen and to them the state owes a very special responsibility.

Indeed, embedded in the military’s preferred acronym for the displaced people of Fata — TDPs — is the promise that exile will be temporary. Yet, despite the military’s urgency and the political government’s vows of facilitation, the en masse return of IDPs to Fata does not appear to be occurring.

Perhaps it is time that the state revisited its strategy.

What, for example, are the reasons for the high return of IDPs to Khyber Agency (90pc) and the exceedingly low rate of return to South Waziristan Agency (15pc)? The military operation in South Waziristan began more than six years ago, while Khyber has seen two major operations in the last couple of years alone.

Part of the answer is surely South Waziristan sharing a border with North Waziristan — until the latter is fully cleared of militants, the security threat to the former remains. In addition, after years of living in cities and towns across the country, the IDPs of South Waziristan may have found jobs and started new lives, which has slowed the pace of return.

But Orakzai Agency and Kurram Agency also have exceedingly high numbers of displaced people — two-thirds of registered IDPs are yet to return to the two agencies. Is it only a question of resources — to rehabilitate the physical infrastructure and kick-start local economies — or is there something more that the IDPs are looking for?

Perhaps a survey should be conducted to understand the needs of IDPs rather than have state officials simply determine on their own what conditions are needed for their return.

Too often, state policy has little connection to the needs of the citizenry and that problem may well be magnified when it comes to Fata.

Given the experience of other agencies, it should not be assumed that IDPs from North Waziristan will return home from Afghanistan and various parts of Pakistan once major military operations are concluded.

Resettlement packages — a combination of financial incentives and physical infrastructure — may need to be complemented by immediate steps for the overhaul of the administrative and political systems of Fata.

Given that most IDPs are registered and the military and Fata administration have some contact with them, it should not be impossible to determine from the people themselves what they need to go back to their homes

den·i·zen

An inhabitant or occupant of a particular place.

em·bed

Fix (an object) firmly and deeply in a surrounding mass.

ex·ile

The state of being barred from one's native country, typically for political or punitive reasons.

o·ver·haul

Take apart (a piece of machinery or equipment) in order to examine it and repair it if necessary.

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