#EVERYDAYQUIZ #READ DAILY
THE HINDU BUSINESS STANDARD DNA INDIAN EXPRESS
THE HINDU: A better deal for bus commuters
In
2014-15, India added nearly 20 million vehicles, mainly two-wheelers, but also
two million cars, vans and so on to the existing 172 million registered motor
vehicles. Several million more have been added since, as public transport
remains inadequate.
Personal transport has now reached saturation limit in the
cities, resulting in gridlock, rising air pollution, lost productivity and
ill-health. The Union Budget
for 2016-17 has made a timely
intervention at such an inflection point, with the move to expand the public
transport system. The Motor Vehicles Act is to be amended to open up the
passenger segment, and more entrepreneurs will be able to operate bus services.
It will be up to the States, though, to accept the new liberalised regulatory
system. Any measure to modernise India’s public transport and help the commuter
should be welcomed. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is on target when he talks of
greater investment, employment and multiplier effects for the economy stemming
from such a move. The law enabling State road transport undertakings dates back
to 1950, and many States have failed to progressively augment their operations
after opting for full or partial nationalisation, especially in the cities.
Private operators, on the other hand, have rapidly increased their share of the
total number of buses. The Budget proposal to open up the sector has the
potential to reverse the effects of the neglect and obsolescence.
Regulation is often seen as the obstacle that has
affected the growth of bus transport. Yet, a scheme of the kind that the Budget
proposes cannot run without a sound regulatory framework, if the goal is to
remove erstwhile monopolies and introduce greater competition even in those
States where private provision in urban and inter-city services already exists.
Optimally, a system should lay down standards, identify areas of operation, fix
prices and enable participation by entrepreneurs. As the National Transport
Development Policy Committee 2013 said in its report, there is a need for a strategy panel at the national and State levels. This
is necessary to take a comprehensive view of rail, road, waterway and
non-motorised modes. On the question of encouraging private sector
participation in bus services, the experience of London is worth studying:
routes are tendered as per schedules, fares are fixed by the city government,
and buses are run by franchisee operators who are paid according to mileage.
What stands out in this model is the use of intelligent transport systems — of
the kind the new taxi companies in India use — to determine whether the
contractor is adhering to schedules, and to analyse demand-supply patterns. For
passengers, they provide efficient real-time service information. India’s bus
transport system lacks the wherewithal to make such studies using massive
amounts of data as it is technologically outdated. Buses are also unpopular
because they are not ergonomically designed as per the national bus code. A
renaissance in bus services is possible, but not without modern design
standards and service-level benchmarking that are ensured through strict
enforcement.
sat·u·ra·tion
The state or
process that occurs when no more of something can be absorbed, combined with,
or added.
grid·lock
A traffic jam
affecting a whole network of intersecting streets.
stem
Originate in
or be caused by.
erst·while
Former.
ad·here
Stick fast to
(a surface or substance).
renaissance
The period of
European history at the close of the Middle Ages and the rise of the modern
world; a cultural rebirth from the 14th through the middle of the 17th
centuries
bench·mark
Evaluate or
check (something) by comparison with a standard.
THE HINDU: High
stakes in the Assembly polls
With
Chief Election Commissioner Nasim Zaidi announcing
the election schedule for
West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Assam and Puducherry, the campaign for a most
intriguing cluster of Assembly elections can be said to have begun. Taken
together, these four States and one Union Territory do not carry spectacular
weight for the ruling BJP at the Centre. The party would obviously be anxious
to build upon its Lok Sabha showing in Assam, and wrest power in the State from
the Congress, which has ruled since 2001. The BJP has named Sarbananda Sonowal as its chief ministerial candidate, as
part of a strategy to give its campaign focus and avoid exposing Prime Minister
Narendra Modi to the kind of direct political face-off that its adversaries
exploited in the Bihar Assembly elections. The BJP has also finalised a tie-up with the Asom Gana Parishad and theBodoland People’s Front.
For the BJP, Assam has long been a cherished prize, and it has always seen
itself to be in with a chance, given the State’s ethnic and communal fault
lines. But the coming election has more significance as it would test the
party’s capacity to claim the terrain marked on its 2014 general election
victory map. After the stumbles in the Delhi and Bihar elections, Assam would
in part determine whether the ‘Modi wave’ of two years ago was just a singular
event, or whether it is a realistic indicator of the party’s potential to
extend its geographical reach that demands of the Prime Minister to be a
constant campaigner.
The BJP’s ambitions will obviously be limited in the
other poll-bound States. Yet, it is in these face-offs that implications for
its government at the Centre and its prospects in future Assembly elections may
be found. The 2014 ‘Modi wave’ gathered momentum in large measure
because of a scattered opposition to the BJP. Its Bihar setback in 2015 was on account of the coming together
of parties opposed to the BJP. The alliances that are being formed for the
elections are not as natural as Bihar’s, and should they succeed in forging a
durable understanding, the prospects of large chunks of the anti-BJP vote
getting pooled would grow. That there is a demand
for an informal understanding between
the Left parties and the Congress in West Bengal even as they stare down each
other in Kerala may indicate, first, opposition unity against the Trinamool
Congress — but such arrangements would foreshadow greater anti-BJP
consolidation among parties in Parliament and outside. That the BJP, which
during different periods shared power at the Centre with both the DMK and the
AIADMK, now has no leading regional party with it in Tamil Nadu hints at the uncertain prospects it faces in finding more support in
the Rajya Sabha. The learning is for the Narendra Modi government to absorb:
that the polarising strategy of the Sangh Parivar and even some of the Union
Ministers will make the task of governing India increasingly difficult.
in·trigue
Arouse the
curiosity or interest of; fascinate.
clus·ter
A group of
similar things or people positioned or occurring closely together.
wrest
Forcibly pull
(something) from a person's grasp.
ad·ver·sar·y
One's opponent
in a contest, conflict, or dispute.
cher·ish
Protect and
care for (someone) lovingly.
stum·ble
Trip or
momentarily lose one's balance; almost fall.
scat·ter
Throw in
various random directions.
fore·shad·ow
Be a warning
or indication of (a future event)
INDIAN EXPRESS: BCCI vs Court
When the apex
court told the BCCI, in response to the affidavit against the Lodha panel
recommendations, that it might prompt the panel to review a few proposals, it
by no means suggested a respite for the latter. “There is no question of you
wanting it. We, the Supreme Court, will decide whether we are inclined to send
some restricted issues back to the committee for its decision,” the bench
asserted.
That the court,
while understanding that some of the recommendations are slightly implausible
and factoring in the board’s autonomy, still stood firmly by the Lodha panel,
is best exemplified by its retort to BCCI secretary Anurag Thakur, who had
written in the affidavit that the panel didn’t seek his views on the proposed
recommendations. “The whole world knew this. So what were you doing? Waiting at
the fence for a written invitation?”
The panel, while
questioning the BCCI’s priorities, reiterated that they should at no point
compromise on the interests of the viewers. “The prominent spirit should be
viewer enjoyment. Do you mean that your commercial interests should take over
the enjoyment of the viewers?” the bench asked. It was a timely rebuke for the
board, which had been immune to the fans’ comfort and convenience — taking them
for granted clearly, in the build-up to the T20 World Cup, as in the late start
to online ticket sales and the uncertainty over a couple of prominent venues.
Given the throbbing political subtext of the ongoing issues Delhi and
Dharamshala are mired in, the Lodha panel’s recommendation that politicians
shouldn’t hold any post in the board sounds more logical than ever.
Going by what
transpired in the court on Thursday, the drama could drag on for a few more
feisty episodes. But it won’t be long before the court starts dictating terms
to the BCCI. And then there would hardly be any wriggle room for the world’s
richest cricket body
af·fi·da·vit
A written
statement confirmed by oath or affirmation, for use as evidence in court.
res·pite
A short period
of rest or relief from something difficult or unpleasant.
im·plau·si·ble
(of an
argument or statement) not seeming reasonable or probable; failing to convince.
ex·em·pli·fy
Be a typical
example of.
re·it·er·ate
Say something
again or a number of times, typically for emphasis or clarity.
re·buke
Express sharp
disapproval or criticism of (someone) because of their behavior or actions.
im·mune
Resistant to a
particular infection or toxin owing to the presence of specific antibodies or
sensitized white blood cells.
throb
Beat or sound
with a strong, regular rhythm; pulsate steadily.
mired in
to be involved in a difficult situation, especially for
a longperiod of time:
tran·spire
Occur; happen.
feist·y
(of a person,
typically one who is relatively small or weak) lively, determined, and
courageous.
wrig·gle
Twist and turn
with quick writhing movements.
BUSINESS STANDARD: A law for Aadhaar
The government has finally decided to give statutory
backing to Aadhaar, the electronic system of recording and authenticating
identities using biometric details, thus paving the way for making it
obligatory for a person to possess such identification in order to receive
various forms of state subsidy and assistance. Such an enactment has become
necessary as the Supreme Court has stayed making possession of the Aadhaar ID
compulsory till it disposes of the matter. Privacy concerns have also been
raised over having a centralised database of all individual identities. Since
the use of Aadhaar will eliminate the scope for leakage of subsidies through
impersonation and duplication of identities and lead to better targeting, the
move is to be welcomed.
However, this has to be accompanied with several qualifications. First, it is unfortunate that the government is seeking recourse to the Money Bill route to get the enactment through, thus making it needlessly controversial. This is particularly so because Aadhaar is a creation of the previous Congress-led government. Relations between the two major political parties should not deteriorate so greatly that bipartisan cooperation on such nationally important issues becomes impossible.
Second, the attempt by the government to build in measures to protect the privacy of individuals by not allowing the data collected to be wrongly accessed and misused is to be welcomed. The question of protecting individuals' privacy from unnecessary or motivated snooping on data in the possession of the government goes beyond Aadhaar and both the Congress and the BJP must share the blame for there not being a proper privacy law in the country. The provisions of the proposed law so far revealed indicate that access to Aadhaar data will be allowed only at a very high government level. But is this enough? Should access not be allowed only by a high-level independent judicial authority? What is important is that there should be a proper debate of the provisions of the Bill in Parliament and all political parties, including the Congress, should allow it. This is vital because what gets enacted in this instance is likely to critically impact the entire regime for the protection of privacy which is yet to evolve. If a well-considered piece of legislation is enacted then it should address the Supreme Court's concerns.
While a law enabling Aadhaar which will pass judicial scrutiny will go some way in plugging leakage in the payment of subsidies, it is important to point out that even biometric determination of identity will not be a panacea. Leakages through impersonation and duplication of payment will be curtailed, but eligibility for subsidies is governed by determination of income. Electronic systems are no help there. For example, the attempt to limit food subsidy to below-poverty-line card holders can become pointless with such cards going to many who are ineligible even as many who are deserving do not get them. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is quoted in one report as saying that Aadhaar identification will ensure that "the most deserving man and family get the benefit," but this may not entirely be so.
However, this has to be accompanied with several qualifications. First, it is unfortunate that the government is seeking recourse to the Money Bill route to get the enactment through, thus making it needlessly controversial. This is particularly so because Aadhaar is a creation of the previous Congress-led government. Relations between the two major political parties should not deteriorate so greatly that bipartisan cooperation on such nationally important issues becomes impossible.
Second, the attempt by the government to build in measures to protect the privacy of individuals by not allowing the data collected to be wrongly accessed and misused is to be welcomed. The question of protecting individuals' privacy from unnecessary or motivated snooping on data in the possession of the government goes beyond Aadhaar and both the Congress and the BJP must share the blame for there not being a proper privacy law in the country. The provisions of the proposed law so far revealed indicate that access to Aadhaar data will be allowed only at a very high government level. But is this enough? Should access not be allowed only by a high-level independent judicial authority? What is important is that there should be a proper debate of the provisions of the Bill in Parliament and all political parties, including the Congress, should allow it. This is vital because what gets enacted in this instance is likely to critically impact the entire regime for the protection of privacy which is yet to evolve. If a well-considered piece of legislation is enacted then it should address the Supreme Court's concerns.
While a law enabling Aadhaar which will pass judicial scrutiny will go some way in plugging leakage in the payment of subsidies, it is important to point out that even biometric determination of identity will not be a panacea. Leakages through impersonation and duplication of payment will be curtailed, but eligibility for subsidies is governed by determination of income. Electronic systems are no help there. For example, the attempt to limit food subsidy to below-poverty-line card holders can become pointless with such cards going to many who are ineligible even as many who are deserving do not get them. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is quoted in one report as saying that Aadhaar identification will ensure that "the most deserving man and family get the benefit," but this may not entirely be so.
paving
the way
If something paves the way for/to
something else, it makes the other thing possible:
o·blig·a·to·ry
Required by a
legal, moral, or other rule; compulsory.
en·act·ment
The process of
passing legislation.
de·te·ri·o·rate
Become
progressively worse.
snoop
Investigate or
look around furtively in an attempt to find out something, especially
information about someone's private affairs.
en·act
Make (a bill
or other proposal) law.
e·volve
Develop
gradually, especially from a simple to a more complex form
scru·ti·ny
Critical
observation or examination
plug
Block or fill
in (a hole or cavity).
pan·a·ce·a
A solution or
remedy for all difficulties or diseases.
im·per·son·a·tion
An act of pretending
to be another person for the purpose of entertainment or fraud.
cur·tail
Reduce in
extent or quantity; impose a restriction on.
in·el·i·gi·ble
Legally or
officially unable to be considered for a position or benefit.
|
DNA: Improvident tax
|
|
The goodwill generated for the budget in rural India has been offset by
middle class anger at the muddled proposal to tax EPF withdrawals
|
The fiasco over taxing Employees
Provident Fund (EPF) withdrawals in the Budget 2015-16 proposals has robbed the
government of middle-class goodwill. The proposals are ill-conceived for the
simple reason that a large percentage of the salaried class considers the EPF
as their most important social security provision in old age. The EPF is also a
key savings component for even those presently in the workforce to meet
unforeseen expenditure that cannot be met through salaries alone. No wonder
then that the urban middle class, which has been the bedrock of the BJP’s
support base, reacted with the vehemence that it did. The government has also
been damaged by the frequent flipflops that followed the budget speech. The
government’s contention, while defending the tax on EPF withdrawal, that it was
an attempt to incentivise the enrolment in pension schemes, has fallen on deaf
ears.
The National Pension Scheme (NPS) has
failed to pique the interest of the salaried class, precisely for the reason
that unlike EPF, which entitled investments up to Rs1.5 lakh eligible for tax
breaks and levied no tax on withdrawals, NPS withdrawals were taxed unless they
were invested in annuities. To rectify this situation, finance minister Arun
Jaitley sought a level-playing field where tax treatment would be uniform for
all kinds of pension plans. He proposed tax exemption for 40 per cent of the
NPS corpus that is being withdrawn at the time of retirement. Similarly, 40 per
cent of the EPF corpus at the time of withdrawal would remain tax free for
contributions made after April 1, 2016. Conversely, 60 per cent of EPF
withdrawals would now be taxed. However, the government erred in tagging the
EPF with regular pension schemes.
The norm among EPF subscribers is to
make bulk withdrawals, which could range anywhere from Rs50,000 for
lower-income workers to Rs50-80 lakh and more for high-income earners in the
corporate sector. A 10.3 per cent tax on 60 per cent of this corpus would be a
huge amount and no wonder then that EPF subscribers launched a very vocal
campaign. In an attempt to mollify irate EPF subscribers, revenue secretary
Hasmukh Adhia said that only the interest earned on EPF savings would be taxed.
However, the finance ministry backtracked saying this was just one of the
proposals before the government. The Ministry, then, sought to cushion the blow
by harping on the tax breaks if the 60 per cent corpus was invested in pension
annuities. But none of this factors in the reality that many of those making
bulk EPF withdrawals are doing so to meet contingencies. The differential
treatment to those investing the EPF corpus who will not be taxed, and those
utilising the same social security provision for meeting a contingency, which
will be taxed, has been pointed out.
Jaitley’s deputy, Jayant Sinha’s
statement that the government was doing EPF subscribers “a favour” by keeping
it tax-free, tried to draw on the analogy with savings bank deposits where
interest is taxed. But with no clarity on whether the corpus or just the
interest component will be taxed, Sinha’s statement was premature and careless.
If the government wants to ensure financial security through pension schemes
for senior citizens, it must review the plight of the EPS-95 (Employee Pension
Scheme), into which a small percentage of the EPF contributions are now
diverted. The maximum pension that the scheme offers is Rs3,250 per month,
which is inadequate to meet middle class needs in present times. In a country
with limited safety nets and poor savings rate, the government should have
anticipated that the EPF was an emotive issue for its subscribers.
im·prov·i·dent
Not having or
showing foresight; spendthrift or thoughtless.
fi·as·co
A thing that
is a complete failure, especially in a ludicrous or humiliating way.
bed·rock
Solid rock
underlying loose deposits such as soil or alluvium.
ve·he·mence
The display of
strong feeling; passion.
flipflops
Flip-flops are
a type of open-toed sandal typically worn in casual situations, such as outside
or at the beach. They consist of a flat sole held loosely on the foot by a
Y-shaped strap that passes between the first and second toes and around either
side of the foot.
con·ten·tion
Heated
disagreement.
en·roll·ment
The action of
enrolling or being enrolled.
fallen on deaf ears.
If a suggestion or
warning falls on deaf ears, no one listensto it:
pique
A feeling of
irritation or resentment resulting from a slight, especially to one's pride.
vo·cal
Of or relating
to the human voice.
mol·li·fy
Appease the
anger or anxiety of (someone)
i·rate
Feeling or
characterized by great anger.
cush·ion
A pillow or
pad stuffed with a mass of soft material, used as a comfortable support for
sitting or leaning on.
plight
A dangerous,
difficult, or otherwise unfortunate situation
#SSC #IBPS #SBI #RBI #NABARD #NICL #NIACL #CAT #NMAT #everydayquiz
Gratitute sir
ReplyDelete