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THE HINDU: TERI’s disgraceful appointment
It is a
matter of disgrace that an eminent man who leaves his position under a cloud of
serious charges of sexual harassment is able to return to an executive position
in the same organisation without any compunction.
The appointment of climate scientist R.K.
Pachauri as executive vice-chairman of The Energy and Resources Institute
(TERI) in a position apparently
created for him, is contrary to the spirit of Indian law that now accords great
importance to the safety of women and the special enactment to deal with sexual
harassment at the workplace. Dr. Pachauri went on leave in February 2015 from
TERI and quit the Inter-Governmental Panel on Climate Change. However, even
after an Internal Complaints Committee found him guilty of misconduct on a
complaint by a woman researcher, he returned to TERI last July on the strength
of an interim order by an industrial tribunal staying the complaints panel’s
report. With a new Director-General taking over at TERI, Dr. Pachauri has been
accommodated in a position from which he can wield power and influence over
employees and researchers in an organisation that is partially funded by the
government. His continuance in this organisation is untenable. It is apparent
from the emergence of a second complaint and reports that his return has caused
dismay among many women employees that the charge is not related to one incident
or a rare lapse in behaviour, but a repeatedly displayed propensity. Second,
his being around in the face of an ongoing criminal investigation against him is wholly inappropriate and against
the spirit of the Sexual Harassment of Women at the Workplace (Prevention,
Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013.
In
many ways, TERI as an employer appears to have ignored its obligations under
the Act. The complainant is not in the organisation anymore, indicating that
conditions for her continuance were not facilitated by the management. It did
not act immediately on the internal committee’s report, as can be discerned from
the fact that there was no follow-up disciplinary action. The jurisdiction of
an industrial tribunal to stay the findings of an internal panel under the
special law is a legal question that may be decided in ongoing proceedings
before the Delhi High Court. As an organisation, TERI has a global profile as
well as a considerable body of achievement behind it in the field of energy
efficiency and climate science. Its Governing Council has eminent people of
impeccable credentials. Not unexpectedly, Dr. Pachauri denies any wrongdoing
and doggedly seeks to retain his position. However, it is incomprehensible why
the organisation and the eminent people on its governing body should support
him. In fact, it is the management of TERI that ought to be assisting the complainants
in pursuing legal remedies. It should now act to ensure that Dr. Pachauri does
not play a role in TERI any more. As for the 75-year-old scientist who headed
an organisation that shared the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007, it is time for him
to rest on his tainted laurels.
dis·grace·ful
Shockingly
unacceptable.
em·i·nent
(of a
person) famous and respected within a particular sphere or profession.
com·punc·tion
A
feeling of guilt or moral scruple that follows the doing of something bad.
ap·par·ent·ly
As far
as one knows or can see.
un·ten·a·ble
(especially
of a position or view) not able to be maintained or defended against attack or
objection.
dis·may
Cause
(someone) to feel consternation and distress.
fa·cil·i·tate
Make
(an action or process) easy or easier
dis·cern
Perceive
or recognize (something).
im·pec·ca·ble
(of
behavior, performance, or appearance) in accordance with the highest standards
of propriety; faultless.
‘doggedly
With
obstinate determination; "he pursued her doggedly"
in·com·pre·hen·si·ble
Not
able to be understood; not intelligible.
taint
Contaminate
or pollute (something).
lau·rel
Any of
a number of shrubs and other plants with dark green glossy leaves, in
particular:
THE HINDU: After New Hampshire,
Sanders in focus
In what
is being hailed as a “victory for outsiders”, Bernie Sanders, the underdog in
the U.S. Democratic nomination race, stole
a march on former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in the first primary
elections of the season, in New
Hampshire, and controversial property billionaire Donald Trump captured the
most Republican votes. Mr. Sanders, a Senator from Vermont, won 60.4 per cent
of the primary vote in the State, leading Ms. Clinton by nearly 22 points. In
doing so, he scooped up 15 delegates to her nine and almost instantly attracted
a wave of donor funding to his campaign, to the tune of $6.4 million. Although
New Hampshire is preponderantly white, the self-proclaimed “Democratic
Socialist” won a thumping majority across a variety of demographic cohorts,
except for those over 65 years of age and for households earning more than
$200,000. While he may have benefited from New Hampshire sharing a border with
Vermont, this early upset in Ms. Clinton’s presumed-unassailable lead has
thrust Mr. Sanders’s campaign into fourth gear and energised his supporters across
the U.S. Importantly, his victory has put the Democratic Party establishment,
which until now has thrown its weight behind Ms. Clinton, on notice. Although
the party’s “super-delegates” are supporting Ms. Clinton over Mr. Sanders by a
margin of 355-14, they may well switch their support to Mr. Sanders if he
continues to snatch victories in other States.
Yet,
by no means is it obvious that Mr. Sanders’s call for a “revolution” will thus
sway every State. At the national level Ms. Clinton outperforms Mr. Sanders in
the support she enjoys with minorities by 71 to 20 per cent. She has vigorously
courted the African-American demographic, with a recent visit to Flint,
Michigan, to discuss its water-poisoning crisis; she has announced joint
campaigns with the families of unarmed African-Americans who died in
controversial encounters with law enforcement; and post-New Hampshire she will
likely focus her campaign on systemic racism, criminal justice reform, voting
rights and gun violence. Mr. Sanders, who will face his first big test with the
African-American vote in the mixed demographics of South Carolina and is
possibly aware of the weak link in his campaign strategy, met this week with
civil rights leader Reverend Al Sharpton to amplify his message of support to
this community. It is unclear what dividends such late manoeuvres could yield.
The other critical factor is the rise and rise of Mr. Trump. Although he is the
philosophical antithesis of Mr. Sanders, they share certain similarities: their
attacks on dark pools of campaign finance dominating U.S. elections; their
rejection, albeit for different reasons, of the notion of American
exceptionalism; and their anti-establishment positions, including distrust of
the mainstream media. If these two men float to the top through the primary
races, that must reflect Americans’ frustration with the jaded politics of
Washington. But equally they must know that each man holds firm to a radically
different vision for reshaping their country.
hail
Call
out to (someone) to attract attention.
un·der·dog
A
competitor thought to have little chance of winning a fight or contest.
scoop
Pick up
and move (something) with a scoop.
preponderantly
Predominantly:
much greater in number or influence; "the patients are predominantly
indigenous"
thump·ing
Pounding;
throbbing.
un·as·sail·a·ble
Unable
to be attacked, questioned, or defeated.
snatch
Quickly
seize (something) in a rude or eager way.
sway
Move or
cause to move slowly or rhythmically backward and forward or from side to side.
vig·or·ous·ly
In a
way that involves physical strength, effort, or energy; strenuously.
am·pli·fy
Increase
the volume of (sound), especially using an amplifier.
jad·ed
Tired,
bored, or lacking enthusiasm, typically after having had too much of something.
BUSINESS STANDARD: NITI Aayog's purpose is still
unclear
A visible sign of change in the nature
of policymaking under the Narendra Modi government was seen on January 1, 2015
when the 64-year-old Planning Commission was replaced with the ambitiously
named National Institution for Transforming India (or NITI) Aayog. The hope
then was that it would be a leaner outfit with more sector experts. It was also
expected to perform the role of a think tank and advisor on social and economic
policies for the prime minister. The appointment of the well-known trade
economist, Arvind Panagariya, as vice-chairman, and two respected academics and
a scientist as members - plus the sharp reduction of staff - suggested that Mr
Modi was on the right track. Replacing a secretary for planning with a CEO for
the organisation indicated a new direction in institution building. Yet, over a
year on, NITI Aayog's usefulness and purpose remain unfortunately unclear.
On current evidence, NITI Aayog can best be described as a poor relation to the Planning Commission rather than a brave new initiative. As yet, no significant policy prescriptions have emerged from its pink-and-grey portals, nor does the political establishment - although it includes many first-timers in government - appear to access it for advice, even on matters such as trade negotiations regarding which NITI's experts are world-renowned. Then the usual problems that beset government institutions are already surfacing. Some in it argue for more members to distribute the workload. There also appears to be some variance over the responsibility of the office bearers. Are they supposed to be policy advisors, as their expertise suggests, or quasi-political liaisons with state governments?
Certainly, it was common knowledge that the Planning Commission had outlived its utility in that form once controls were relaxed and the states came to play a bigger role in economic decision making. In the last years of the United Progressive Alliance, the chief ministers of some of India's better-run states - Mr Modi in Gujarat and J Jayalalithaa in Tamil Nadu notable among them - were vocal in their objections to spending priorities being dictated by a centralised body. In addition, over the past few years several decisions devolved far greater decision-making powers to the states in terms of how they choose to spend central grants and funds for welfare schemes. This diminishes one of the Planning Commission's major roles. Another function, that of resource allocation, has been shifted to the finance ministry. Clearly, NITI Aayog should have been freed up to find an alternative role. But it is unfortunate that the political leadership has not adequately empowered it to do so, or structured it to fulfil its initial promise.
NITI Aayog would have been in an ideal position to provide the government, which suffers the lack of a sound advisory establishment, with the crucial research heft and intellectual underpinning for its many policy initiatives, making it a genuine and powerful agent of transformation. There is still time - many bemoan the lack of new ideas emerging from stultified Union ministries. The NITI Aayog could be freshly empowered to serve as an advocate for progressive, market-friendly reform, so the political leadership has additional input on whatever policy proposals may emerge from the traditional bureaucracy.
On current evidence, NITI Aayog can best be described as a poor relation to the Planning Commission rather than a brave new initiative. As yet, no significant policy prescriptions have emerged from its pink-and-grey portals, nor does the political establishment - although it includes many first-timers in government - appear to access it for advice, even on matters such as trade negotiations regarding which NITI's experts are world-renowned. Then the usual problems that beset government institutions are already surfacing. Some in it argue for more members to distribute the workload. There also appears to be some variance over the responsibility of the office bearers. Are they supposed to be policy advisors, as their expertise suggests, or quasi-political liaisons with state governments?
Certainly, it was common knowledge that the Planning Commission had outlived its utility in that form once controls were relaxed and the states came to play a bigger role in economic decision making. In the last years of the United Progressive Alliance, the chief ministers of some of India's better-run states - Mr Modi in Gujarat and J Jayalalithaa in Tamil Nadu notable among them - were vocal in their objections to spending priorities being dictated by a centralised body. In addition, over the past few years several decisions devolved far greater decision-making powers to the states in terms of how they choose to spend central grants and funds for welfare schemes. This diminishes one of the Planning Commission's major roles. Another function, that of resource allocation, has been shifted to the finance ministry. Clearly, NITI Aayog should have been freed up to find an alternative role. But it is unfortunate that the political leadership has not adequately empowered it to do so, or structured it to fulfil its initial promise.
NITI Aayog would have been in an ideal position to provide the government, which suffers the lack of a sound advisory establishment, with the crucial research heft and intellectual underpinning for its many policy initiatives, making it a genuine and powerful agent of transformation. There is still time - many bemoan the lack of new ideas emerging from stultified Union ministries. The NITI Aayog could be freshly empowered to serve as an advocate for progressive, market-friendly reform, so the political leadership has additional input on whatever policy proposals may emerge from the traditional bureaucracy.
lean
(of a
person or animal) thin, especially healthily so; having no superfluous fat.
li·ai·son
Communication
or cooperation that facilitates a close working relationship between people or
organizations.
out·live
(of a
person) live longer than (another person).
de·volve
Transfer
or delegate (power) to a lower level, especially from central government to
local or regional administration.
em·pow·er
Give
(someone) the authority or power to do something.
heft
Lift or
carry (something heavy).
un·der·pin·ning
A solid
foundation laid below ground level to support or strengthen a building.
be·moan
Express
discontent or sorrow over (something).
stul·ti·fy
Cause
to lose enthusiasm and initiative, especially as a result of a tedious or
restrictive routine.
FINANCIAL EXPRESS: Get going on structural interventions
Winter is the time
for warmth, for comfort and to enjoy the fruits of summer sweating. But that
can be possible only when the state of the economy has the potential to offer
quality of life and economic well-being for the community by opening up and
retaining opportunities at various levels. Is the current state of the Indian
economy capable of offering a sustainable and quality life, or are we living in
an illusion and the economy needs a strong dose of corrective structural
interventions to be on the right track?
Core sectors of the
economy are showing discouraging figures, as is the domestic demand. Exports
are down, jobs are not being created, fiscal deficit is under strain, revenue
figures are far from target, external debt has increased, rupee hits a 27-month
low, banks are struggling with NPAs and prices of essential commodities are
beyond control, still the economy is shining. This is what the government wants
us to believe.
The news of
negative index of industrial production (IIP) and steep rise in retail
inflation in November 2015 was least expected when the pundits were predicting
a recovery path for the Indian economy, driven by the Make-in-India campaign.
India has moved up
a few steps on the ease of doing business index, yet it tells only half the
story. Investment in real figures is not coming. In fact, the main concern
before our economy is drying up of investments, without which there can be no
new jobs or incomes. Whatever investments are coming, they are there to tap the
consumer potential of our economy rather than giving a boost to exports. In
October last year, manufacturing activity eased to a 22-month low, owing to
subdued demand, domestic as well as in the international market. The situation
is unlikely to improve in the near future as big states like Madhya Pradesh and
Maharashtra are witnessing slump in manufacturing activities. There is no
systematic effort to attract export-oriented investment and infrastructure
development. So, in the absence of an institutionalised arrangement, exports
are slumping. With an anticipated 22% fall in the exports in 2015 compared to
the previous year, exporters are surviving on the falling rupee against the
dollar. Such a situation will not help the economy generate jobs for the 120
million unemployed.
Public attention
should not be diverted by artificially-created and statistically-manipulated
figures. If the economy is indeed shining, that should have been reflected in
its expenditure and allocation models, which are showing otherwise trends. Even
when the Indian basket of crude oil is at a six-year low, consumers are not
getting any advantage, as the government is not passing the benefits to them.
The sharp reduction in the petroleum import bill is sufficient to cover the
Centre’s school education, child development, health and women related schemes,
but the Centre has slashed its share of funds in 18 social sector schemes,
particularly in education and health related sectors, including flagship
schemes like Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) and Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan (SSA).
In addition,
employment generation schemes like MGNREGA, which has been appreciated by the
UNDP as the best job guarantee programme, has been downsized. How the windfall
gain is being utilised is not known to anyone. So, either the exact picture of
the economy is not being presented before the public or, somehow, the
government is failing to manage the economy. As the mid-term review suggests,
the government is losing its grip over the direction and momentum of the Indian
economy.
Despite sharp fall
in crude oil prices, retail inflation and current account deficit are still
high. It appears that an opportunity which must be seized is going to be lost.
But, in the long run, an economy cannot rely only on the comfort factor of decline
in crude oil prices. Every time the economy touches a new low, the government
cannot shift its responsibility to RBI either. It
has to take corrective measures. Exports need to grow at least by 10% to boost
manufacturing and job creation. Consequently, domestic demand shall be
strengthened and a positive cycle of growth can be restored. On the
disinvestment front, the uncertainty over policy has to end. There has to be a
transparent policy with unambiguous implementation strategy, otherwise the
government will go on setting targets, only to miss them.
As far as the
banking sector is concerned, RBI Governor has time and again cautioned against
pushing financial inclusion beyond a point. The burden of bad loans is
increasingly showing up and it appears the government is underestimating the
gravity of the issue. Banks should not be unnecessarily exposed to sectors
which have a proven track-record of stressed infrastructure or junk assets,
otherwise accumulation of NPAs will significantly weaken our banking system. As
correctly observed by Raghuram Rajan, sustained growth in India requires lifting people out of
poverty, fuelling infrastructure investment and a rethink on economic policy
approach. Foreign-capital-driven approach towards economic growth has its own
dangers. To believe that FDI is the panacea for all the ills of Indian economy
is naive.
Tax reform is
another issue which is linked to investment. Two important measures, Goods and
Services Tax (GST) and Direct Taxes Code (DTC) were initiated by the UPA
government. However, the current government has almost shelved the DTC, and has
diluted the GST. Such half-baked approach towards tax reform will not help the
economy. The government should approach Parliament with an open mind and put
forth a qualitatively improved legislation minus the flaws. For the sake of
cooperative federalism, it is important that a constitutional amendment with
far-reaching financial implications for the states as well is passed amicably
and after political consensus.
Stress in rural
incomes has become visible for over more than a year, and if immediate
structural measures are not taken, the backbone of the Indian economy will be
ruined. It is high time the government comes out of the denial mode and,
instead of celebrating dubious data, works towards a credible solution. The
challenge is to create conditions for faster economic growth, with adequate numbers
of employment opportunities. Let economic management be emphasised over media
management. If rural economy can be revived, it will give a major boost to
private consumption, which holds out some hope to put growth drivers on track.
The task may be difficult, but given the strong macroeconomic fundamentals, if
the focus of policies, reforms and infrastructure are shifted to the right
direction, results shall be favourable. The NDA government’s economic policy is
lacking a human face, which is otherwise an essential ingredient of any public
policy. I hope our learned finance minister will look into these aspects while
preparing the Budget for the next financial year.
The author is a Supreme Court
lawyer and National Media Panellist, the Indian National Congress. Views are personal
in·ter·ven·tion
The
action or process of intervening.
sweat
Exude
sweat.
il·lu·sion
A thing
that is or is likely to be wrongly perceived or interpreted by the senses.
dis·cour·ag·ing
Causing
someone to lose confidence or enthusiasm; depressing.
strain
Force
(a part of one's body or oneself) to make a strenuous or unusually great
effort.
slump
Sit,
lean, or fall heavily and limply, especially with a bent back.
slash
Cut
(something) with a violent sweeping movement, typically using a knife or sword.
ac·cu·mu·la·tion
The
acquisition or gradual gathering of something.
pan·a·ce·a
A
solution or remedy for all difficulties or diseases.
na·ive
(of a
person or action) showing a lack of experience, wisdom, or judgment.
shelve
Place
or arrange (items, especially books) on a shelf.
di·lute
Make (a
liquid) thinner or weaker by adding water or another solvent to it.
ru·in
Reduce
(a building or place) to a state of decay, collapse, or disintegration.
du·bi·ous
Hesitating
or doubting
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where is Indian xpress editorial bro
ReplyDeleteThank u sir
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