#EVERYDAYQUIZ #THE HINDU #INDIAN EXPRESS #BUSINESS STANDARD #NEWYORK TIMES #THE DAWN #theMoscowTimes
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THE HINDU: For a green economy that is also just
India’s solar power programme has come under intense
scrutiny by global political and business leaders, especially given its
aggressive intent and extensive trade opportunities. The programme, a part of
the National Solar Mission, envisages an addition of 100,000
megawatts of solar power capacity by 2022.
This initiative is also seen as a critical sub-component of the global effort
to limit the extent of climate change. The recent ruling by
the World Trade Organisation (WTO) against India must be read against this
background. The WTO has ruled that the domestic content requirement (DCR)
imposed by New Delhi on the production of solar cells and modules under the
National Solar Mission violates global trade rules. According to the dispute
settlement panel of the WTO, “These are inconsistent with both Article III:4 of
the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] 1994 and Article 2.1 of the
TRIMS [Trade-Related Investment Measures].’’ It has gone on to say that the DCR
measures “do accord less favourable treatment’’ within the meaning of the
provision under Article III:4 of the GATT 1994. The WTO ruling comes three
years after the U.S. raised a dispute against India, and following the
inability of the two countries to agree on the changes suggested by New Delhi
to its solar programme. India is convinced that the DCR is a mechanism to
facilitate sustainable development. It has even indicated that it is willing to
apply the DCR only for buying solar panels used for government sector
consumption, and has assured the U.S. that power generated from such subsidised
panels will not be sold for commercial use. Coming as it does in the midst of a
presidential election year, the WTO order in this instance is a significant
victory for the U.S. Hailing the ruling, President Barack Obama said: “The U.S.
can’t have other countries engaged in practices that disadvantage American
workers and American businesses.’’ Given the potential for positive social and
economic outcomes from the ambitious solar power programme, India will be
compelled, as some other countries have done, to contest the WTO ruling before
the appellate body.
The WTO ruling
also comes soon after the Paris climate change agreement, and is bound to open
up a wider debate across nations over whether initiatives such as the solar
mission, with its social relevance and significant implications for a green
economy, must be viewed only from the prism of a pure business opportunity.
Given India’s size and also the need to provide meaningful job opportunities
for millions of people, it is imprudent to conceive of a framework that either
disadvantages or discourages domestic endeavour. The fight against climate
change is not an exclusive cause; it has to move in tandem with the provision
of jobs and the creation of an environment that facilitates a green economy.
The onus for this lies not just on the developing countries. It is time the big
economies realised their responsibility in building a greener world.
scru·ti·ny
Critical observation or examination
en·vis·age
Contemplate or conceive of as a possibility or a
desirable future event.
ap·pel·late
(typically of a court) concerned with or dealing with
applications for decisions to be reversed.
im·pru·dent
Not showing care for the consequences of an action;
rash.
in tandem
at the same time
o·nus
Used to refer to something that is one's duty or
responsibility
THE HINDU: Reworking
the Supreme Court’s role
By admitting a
Special Leave Petition that seeks the setting up of a ‘National Court of
Appeal’ to hear routine appeals in civil and criminal matters from the High
Courts, the Supreme Court has signalled its willingness to grapple with a
question that has been raised unsuccessfully in the past. The question is
whether the apex court should be burdened with the responsibilty of examining
the correctness of every case decided by the High Courts, and whether it should
not be allowed to devote its time entirely to settling questions of constitutional importance. The
underlying issues may include the accumulating backlog of cases in the Supreme
Court, and the need to separate pending cases into those that touch upon
constitutional questions and other routine matters. Constitutional questions
may refer to the validity of a statute or a rule, or to issues that require
interpretation of the Constitution. A third concern relates the oft-cited
difficulties of litigants from different parts of the country for whom New
Delhi may be too far. The solutions put forward include dividing the Supreme
Court into a ‘Constitutional Division’ and a ‘Legal Division’; having the
principal Constitution Bench in Delhi and creating four regional Benches to
hear appeals on High Court orders; and, third, creating a National Court of
Appeal that will have four ‘Cassation Benches’ for the adjudication of
non-constitutional matters.
According to
the Union Law Ministry, which recently rejected a lawyer’s demand for a
National Court of Appeal, successive Chief
Justices of India have been against the establishment of Benches outside Delhi. Further, it has obtained legal
opinion that a Constitution amendment to revisit the Supreme Court’s role would
be impermissible as it would change the court’s character under the
Constitution. The opinion appears to disfavour a suggestion by the Law
Commission in its 229th Report (2009) that if necessary Article 130 (“The
Supreme Court shall sit in Delhi or in such other place or places, as the Chief
Justice of India may, with the approval of the President, from time to time,
appoint”) may be amended to implement its suggestion that Cassation Benches may
be set up in four regions, while the Constitution Bench sits in Delhi. Courts
of Cassation are courts of last resort to reverse decisions of lower courts. A
key issue to be settled is whether it will be advisable for the highest court
to share with a possibly inferior court of appeal its power under Article 136
to grant special leave to appeal on High Court orders. Also, in recent times
the Supreme Court has been conscious of its role as the interpreter of the
Constitution, and holds a sitting of a Constitution Bench virtually every day.
Even within the present structure, regional Benches may help address the
problem of access to justice but not that of accumulation of cases. The idea of
a National Court of Appeal requires consideration, but in a manner that would
not undermine the undoubted authority of the Supreme Court of India.
grap·ple
Engage in a close fight or struggle without weapons;
wrestle.
back·log
An accumulation of something, especially uncompleted
work or matters that need to be dealt with.
lit·i·gant
A person involved in a lawsuit.
ad·ju·di·cate
Make a formal judgment or decision about a problem or
disputed matter.
ac·cu·mu·la·tion
The acquisition or gradual gathering of something.
un·der·mine
Erode the base or foundation of (a rock formation).
INDIAN EXPRESS: State of the states
While all eyes today are on the Union budget — what it
might do to bring back growth that people can feel and see — one mustn’t, amid
all the hoopla surrounding this annual exercise, lose sight of where the real
action would ultimately lie: The states. One of the Narendra Modi government’s truly game-changing
initiatives last year was to pass on 42 per cent of Central tax revenues to the
states, as against the earlier 32-per cent share. That single move, along with
the outright scrapping or sharp cutbacks in most Centrally sponsored schemes,
has shifted the onus for much of governmental spending to the states. They are
the ones that are also in the direct line of fire now, whether it has to do
with dealing with drought or handling violent agitations of Jats and Patidars
demanding quotas in government jobs and educational institutions.
It is against this background that two recent
developments merit closer attention. Last Tuesday saw auctions of state
development loans, where the interest rates paid on 10-year borrowings ranged
from 8.63 to 8.88 per cent. This represents a huge spread over not only current
10-year Indian government bond yields of 7.78 per cent, but also the 8.04 to
8.08 per cent cut-off rates for loans of the same tenure raised by the states
in February 2015. The higher borrowing costs come even as there is a second
elephant in the room in the form of the Seventh Pay Commission. Till now, all
the focus was on what its implementation would do to the Centre’s fiscal
deficit or ability to undertake capital expenditures that an investment-starved
economy desperately needs. But we saw from last week’s railway budget how the
salary and pension bill for the transport behemoth is slated to go up by nearly
Rs 28,600 crore in 2016-17, largely courtesy the pay panel report. If the
states were to follow suit — which they are bound to — the impact on their
finances is probably yet to even be fully factored in. The worst scenario would
be if much of the windfall for the states from high devolution goes towards
payment of revised pay and pension scales, which is accompanied by rising
borrowing costs (more so with the debts of power distribution companies getting
converted into state government bonds under the Ujwal Discom Assurance Yojana
or Uday), and the states not adequately filling the void created by reduced
Central spending (especially in agriculture, health and education).
The simple point is that one shouldn’t look too much at
the Union budget, beyond it laying the overall policy direction and signalling
to investors on the course of reforms. But even there, it is the actions and
initiatives being taken at the state-level that matter more today.
a·mid
Surrounded by; in the middle of.
hoop·la
Excitement surrounding an event or situation,
especially when considered to be unnecessary fuss.
scrap
Discard or remove from service (a retired, old, or
inoperative vehicle, vessel, or machine), especially so as to convert it to
scrap metal.
o·nus
Used to refer to something that is one's duty or
responsibility.
be·he·moth
A huge or monstrous creature.
BUSINESS STANDARD: Challenges
to overcome
The
Economic Survey, tabled in Parliament last Friday, underlines two of the three
major headwinds that the Union Budget, to be presented today, will have to
face. The Survey rightly emphasises stress in the global economic and political
system, and its significant consequences for the Indian economy. The second
headwind, also mentioned, is the many difficulties confronting the domestic
economy, as problems surface in almost all measures other than the growth in
gross domestic product or GDP. The third headwind - which the Survey ignores
for understandable reasons - is the political environment, underlined by
fraught politics and shrill parliamentary debate. When politics was transfixed
with the Mandal commission and then the Babri Masjid, economic policy took a
backseat. Nurturing democratic politics, and the rule of law, is the
precondition for economic performance. Hopefully, the Budget will be able to
overcome that challenge and steer the economy forward.
In 2016, the Nifty has dropped 11.7 per cent, the rupee has dropped 3.9 per cent against the dollar and foreign investors have taken an estimated $3 billion out of the country. The Economic Surveyreiterates the established government line that macroeconomic conditions are still fine and growth is above seven per cent. If, as many independent scholars suggest, the economy is not really growing that fast, the macroeconomic setting for the Budget diverges from that portrayed in the Survey. In this case, the Budget speech needs to do much more on reforms. When the fiscal deficit is divided by GDP, this ratio will be distorted by an exaggerated value for GDP. China has reached a point where the private sector strongly mistrusts the government, owing to the loss of credibility of data and official statements over the years. The Indian government should be mindful of this danger.
Why have the promised "good days" not materialised? Arguably, the central leadership lacks commitment to a market economy in a liberal democracy with the rule of law. There is insufficient clarity on objectives; a shortage of fully worked out programmes for change; and a lack of detail on the required legislative and executive reforms. Such a situation unfortunately produces programmes that aim more towards grabbing newspaper headlines, instead of bringing about transformative structural reforms. The Survey does indeed include a high-level discussion of issues with ideas, with useful new research and arguments. However, given this larger political context, it struggles to lay out a conceptual framework for where India has to go or the tangible legislative and executive actions that have to be taken.
The Survey has rightly highlighted the adverse impact of the banking crisis upon the economy. When banks are stressed, they lend less, which holds back GDP. The taxpayer is going to be asked to pay between Rs 2 lakh crore (the government estimate) and Rs 8 lakh crore (some private estimates). Such largesse should be accompanied by deeper reforms which ensure that the problem does not recur. For example, when he was finance minister, Yashwant Sinha put Rs 15,000 crore of taxpayer money into the Unit Trust of India (UTI). This was accompanied by substantial reforms: UTI was split up into a good UTI and a bad UTI, the UTI Act was repealed, government fully sold its shares in the good UTI, and the regulator was "persuaded" to end badla trading and permit derivatives trading. These reforms worked: UTI has never created problems again, and the Indian securities markets were transformed. The Surveys of that period were empowered to provide the thinking on such strategy and tactics. The Budget for 2016-17 would do well to outline a strategy that can effectively tackle the current banking crisis
In 2016, the Nifty has dropped 11.7 per cent, the rupee has dropped 3.9 per cent against the dollar and foreign investors have taken an estimated $3 billion out of the country. The Economic Surveyreiterates the established government line that macroeconomic conditions are still fine and growth is above seven per cent. If, as many independent scholars suggest, the economy is not really growing that fast, the macroeconomic setting for the Budget diverges from that portrayed in the Survey. In this case, the Budget speech needs to do much more on reforms. When the fiscal deficit is divided by GDP, this ratio will be distorted by an exaggerated value for GDP. China has reached a point where the private sector strongly mistrusts the government, owing to the loss of credibility of data and official statements over the years. The Indian government should be mindful of this danger.
Why have the promised "good days" not materialised? Arguably, the central leadership lacks commitment to a market economy in a liberal democracy with the rule of law. There is insufficient clarity on objectives; a shortage of fully worked out programmes for change; and a lack of detail on the required legislative and executive reforms. Such a situation unfortunately produces programmes that aim more towards grabbing newspaper headlines, instead of bringing about transformative structural reforms. The Survey does indeed include a high-level discussion of issues with ideas, with useful new research and arguments. However, given this larger political context, it struggles to lay out a conceptual framework for where India has to go or the tangible legislative and executive actions that have to be taken.
The Survey has rightly highlighted the adverse impact of the banking crisis upon the economy. When banks are stressed, they lend less, which holds back GDP. The taxpayer is going to be asked to pay between Rs 2 lakh crore (the government estimate) and Rs 8 lakh crore (some private estimates). Such largesse should be accompanied by deeper reforms which ensure that the problem does not recur. For example, when he was finance minister, Yashwant Sinha put Rs 15,000 crore of taxpayer money into the Unit Trust of India (UTI). This was accompanied by substantial reforms: UTI was split up into a good UTI and a bad UTI, the UTI Act was repealed, government fully sold its shares in the good UTI, and the regulator was "persuaded" to end badla trading and permit derivatives trading. These reforms worked: UTI has never created problems again, and the Indian securities markets were transformed. The Surveys of that period were empowered to provide the thinking on such strategy and tactics. The Budget for 2016-17 would do well to outline a strategy that can effectively tackle the current banking crisis
head·wind
A wind blowing from directly in front, opposing forward
motion.
con·front
Meet (someone) face to face with hostile or
argumentative intent.
fraught
(of a situation or course of action) filled with or
destined to result in (something undesirable).
shrill
(of a voice or sound) high-pitched and piercing.
steer
(of a person) guide or control the movement of (a
vehicle, vessel, or aircraft), for example by turning a wheel or operating a
rudder.
re·it·er·ate
Say something again or a number of times, typically for
emphasis or clarity.
tan·gi·ble
Perceptible by touch.
re·peal
Revoke or annul (a law or congressional act).
per·suade
Cause (someone) to do something through reasoning or
argument.
tack·le
The equipment required for a task or sport.
THE NEWYORK TIMES: Could
the Internet Do What the Euro Couldn’t?
ROME — WHEREVER you look in Europe, the 60-year project
to unite the Continent is starting to show its age.
Almost a decade of financial crises — including
multibillion-dollar bailouts for Greece and Cyprus, often accompanied by
onerous repayment terms — have eroded people’s trust in many of the
institutions that underpin the European Union. And the mass influx of migrants
has tested the core tenets of the 28-member bloc, including the
freedom to travel unhindered between countries.
Despite such challenges, Europe’s policy makers — not
typically known for risk taking — are forging ahead with a new plan to align
the Continent’s disparate, and often contradictory, digital interests. The
outcome, though, is far from assured.
The goal is to create a so-called digital single
market across a region with more than 60 languages and a population of
more than 500 million. Such a market, officials say, would offer unfettered
access to services like movie streaming, online shopping and cloud computing no
matter where one lived.
The plan is the brainchild of the European Commission,
the Brussels-based executive arm of the European Union. The digital single
market involves a raft of new policies that would come into force — if
everything goes according to plan — by the end of the decade. The proposal has
been championed by many political leaders, including Jean-Claude Juncker,
president of the European Commission.
By allowing anyone from Ireland to Bulgaria to tap into
the same digital marketplace, policy makers argue, Europeans could access a
more diverse — and often cheaper — set of online services, from discounted
online shopping to video-on-demand programming. Right now, for instance,
someone in Spain cannot legally view (or buy) digital movies or sports events
that are streamed online by companies based in other European countries.
The hope is that a unified digital marketplace would
help improve Europe’s moribund economy by creating new businesses and tens of
thousands of engineering and other technology-related jobs, according to
European Union estimates. And it would help local start-ups harness the
combined wealth of one of the world’s largest economies.
Already, technology communities have sprouted up in London and Berlin.
And while Europe is a long way from competing with Silicon Valley as an
incubator for innovation, several European companies, including the German
e-commerce giant Zalando, are already worth billions of dollars.
For a new generation of politicians here, the goal —
despite the absence of bonhomie among many countries — is nothing short of a
digital United States of Europe. “There are going to be no easy victories,”
said Andrus Ansip, a former Estonian prime minister who is leading the European
Commission’s digital campaign. “It will be an uphill struggle.”
As a straight-talking Estonian, Mr. Ansip does not do
exaggeration. And he’s right about the obstacles, given renewed anxiety about
the global economy and the growing number of migrants on Europe’s doorsteps.
After all, if politicians can’t agree on who should be let across their
borders, some question how much time they will spend on ensuring that Amazon
purchases or iTunes subscriptions are delivered efficiently.
And many vested interests could still scupper the
plans. National television producers, for example, have long supported
regulations that restrict people in France, say, from buying video-on-demand
services from neighboring Germany. “As soon as you go across a border, it
becomes complicated and costly,” said Paul Todd, head of eBay’s European
operations, adding that basic hurdles like high shipping costs limit people
from reaching new customers. “There are annoying barriers to doing business.”
A potentially deeper problem is that basic Internet skills
— along with other essential services like high-speed mobile networks — vary
drastically among European countries, as does understanding of e-commerce and
general familiarity with the online world.
In Sweden, for instance, where the government pushed
investment heavily in the 1990s for a fast nationwide Internet network and
subsidized personal computers at home, roughly 85 percent of the population
surfs the Web each day, based on European Union statistics. Three-quarters of
Swedes also bought goods online last year, close to Americans, at around 78
percent, according to the data provider comScore. It is no wonder, then,
that Sweden has become the launching pad for global tech giants like
Spotify, the music-streaming service, and King Digital, the mobile gaming
company behind the Candy Crush franchise.
Compare that with Italy, where high-speed broadband
infrastructure is only now being rolled out, and fast mobile connection outside
big cities like Rome is patchy at best. Just over half of Italians are daily
Internet users, and fewer than one in four bought something online last year,
according to European statistics.
As a result, experts say, those countries accustomed to
living in an online world may well plow ahead with Europe’s plans for a digital
single market, while less tech-savvy neighbors — including Portugal and Spain —
could easily be left behind.
“Everyone says we need a single digital market,” said
Giuseppe Recchi, chairman of Telecom Italia, the country’s former telecom
monopoly. “But how do you make that happen so that everyone prospers?”
bail·out
An act of giving financial assistance to a failing
business or economy to save it from collapse.
on·er·ous
(of a task, duty, or responsibility) involving an
amount of effort and difficulty that is oppressively burdensome
un·der·pin
Support (a building or other structure) from below by
laying a solid foundation below ground level or by substituting stronger for
weaker materials.
un·hin·dered
Not hindered or obstructed.
forge
Make or shape (a metal object) by heating it in a fire
or furnace and beating or hammering it.
dis·pa·rate
Essentially different in kind; not allowing comparison.
un·fet·ter
Release from restraint or inhibition.
brain·child
An idea or invention considered to be a particular
person's creation.
raft
A flat buoyant structure of timber or other materials
fastened together, used as a boat or floating platform.
mor·i·bund
(of a person) at the point of death.
sprouted up
If a large number of things sprout (up), they suddenly appear or begin to exist
in·cu·ba·tor
An enclosed apparatus providing a controlled
environment for the care and protection of premature or unusually small babies.
bon·ho·mie
Cheerful friendliness; geniality.
an uphill struggle
needing a large amount of effort
ex·ag·ger·a·tion
A statement that represents something as better or
worse than it really is.
scup·per
A hole in a ship's side to carry water overboard from
the deck.
patch·y
Existing or happening in small, isolated areas.
plow
A large farming implement with one or more blades fixed
in a frame, drawn by a tractor or by animals and used for cutting furrows in
the soil and turning it over, especially to prepare for the planting of seeds.
The
Guardian view on the US and Russia in Syria: rivals who need each other
The Syrian war has lasted so long and diplomacy has
proved so ineffective that the hope that it could end or at least be brought
under some kind of control is hard to sustain. Yet the cessation of hostilities
agreed by nearly all of the warring parties seemed to be holding this weekend.
Most observers give it a chance, not because of some sudden change of heart on
anybody’s part – nearly all those concerned still hate each other – but because
it is arguably in the interests of the key players to pursue their objectives
in the future in a different way.
That way will
not exclude violence, but could greatly reduce its role in the conflict. It is
also true that Syria is such a complicated and dangerous mess that even states
which are opposed to each other sense the need to cooperate in order to avert
dangers that they cannot deal with on their own. Syria is like a clover leaf motorway
interchange in very bad weather, threatening a multi-vehicle pile-up at any
moment.
It has to be
immediately added that the cessation deal is very much on Russia’s terms, that
it favours the regime of President Bashar al-Assad, that violations have already occurred and will continue, and that the danger
of a Russo-Turkish clash is still a real one. Indeed, the threat of a wider war
has been the main driver in the negotiations which led up to the cessation
deal.
King Abdullah
of Jordan has said that the Russian military intervention “had shaken the tree”, and it is certainly true that
President Vladimir Putin’s decision to send substantial forces to Syria has
transformed the situation in that country. His move was initially derided by
some because Russian planes and tanks did not at first seem to be making much
difference to the military balance between the regime and the rebels, but as
the weight of Russian arms began to tell, perceptions shifted. The Russians
rescued the regime and strengthened it to the point where the idea that it
might be toppled became, at most, a very distant prospect.
Rebel groups
were at a stroke deprived of their principal war aim. Yet Moscow’s success
brought its own problems. Making war is easier than devising political
solutions. It seems unlikely that Russia wants to underpin the Assad regime
militarily, and certainly not to fight for it, for ever.
The ultimate
aim is presumably to secure a stable Syrian entity as an ally and a client, yet
that is almost certainly incompatible with unqualified support for President
Assad, or with helping him regain full control of Syria, his proclaimed objective. Moscow has
been talking to a range of
opposition figures, and may well understand, by now, that few would consent to
cosmetic incorporation in an unchanged regime, and that there will eventually
have to be an internal settlement that the Sunni Arab majority and the Kurds
can tolerate, and not just those Sunni loyalists who had stuck with President
Assad all along. A joint offensive against Islamic State, involving both
regime and rebel forces, as well as coordination with the western coalition
against Isis, is an equally tricky prospect. Putting Syria back together after
that as even a loosely federated state will be a daunting task.
The US
secretary of state, John Kerry, has played a weak hand well. America forfeited
influence in Damascus years ago, when it came out prematurely against President
Assad. It lost more when President Barack Obama decided not to bomb Syrian
targets in 2013 in retaliation for the regime’s use of chemical weapons. The
campaign it has led against Isis in Iraq and Syria has been a very slow-burning
affair, and its grip on Iraq’s faltering progress less than impressive. What Mr
Kerry has done is to take Russia’s project and to try to bend it so that it
serves the interests of America, Europe,
and other concerned states as well. Russia and the US need each other, and at
the same time are trying to use each other. This could so easily go wrong but
it is the only game in town, and the only one which promises some relief for
Syria’s suffering people.
ces·sa·tion
The fact or process of ending or being brought to an
end.
war·ring
(of two or more people or groups) in conflict with each
other.
pile-up
a traffic accident involving several vehicles that hit each other
de·ride
Express contempt for; ridicule.
top·ple
Overbalance or become unsteady and fall slowly.
de·vise
Plan or invent (a complex procedure, system, or
mechanism) by careful thought.
un·der·pin
Support (a building or other structure) from below by
laying a solid foundation below ground level or by substituting stronger for
weaker materials.
pre·sum·a·bly
Used to convey that what is asserted is very likely
though not known for certain.
loosely
In a relaxed manner; not rigid; "his hands lay
loosely"
daunt·ing
Seeming difficult to deal with in anticipation;
intimidating.
for·feit
Lose or be deprived of (property or a right or
privilege) as a penalty for wrongdoing.
THE DAWN: Pak-Afghan cooperation
WITH the
Quadrilateral Coordination Group on Afghanistan pressing for the resumption of
talks between the Afghan government and the Afghan Taliban, it was always
likely that Taliban groups either opposed to talks or seeking to gain an
advantage at the negotiating table would ramp up attacks inside Afghanistan.
Adding to that possibility is the onset of the main
fighting season as winter winds down in Afghanistan. Yet, attacks such as the
one that took place in Kabul on Saturday, in which a suicide bomber struck near
the defence ministry, carry a particular danger.
In the past, the Afghan government has reacted with
great anger to attacks in the capital city and has accused Pakistan of not
doing enough to stop the alleged planning and coordination of such attacks from
its soil.
While the accusations may well have been exaggerated,
it is likely that a fresh wave of attacks, especially in Kabul, could undermine
efforts within the QCG to lessen the mistrust between Afghanistan and Pakistan
and damage the talks process itself.
Intelligence cooperation and border management remain,
as ever, the areas where Pakistan and Afghanistan need to do much more.
The high-level delegations that travel back and forth
between Islamabad and Kabul and to border areas only appear able to achieve
limited, short-term successes.
Neither Afghanistan nor Pakistan appear willing to have
the frank discussions necessary at the political, military and intelligence
levels to make the border less porous.
Nor do the outside powers in the QCG, China and the US,
appear to have the inclination or tools to nudge Afghanistan and Pakistan
closer to lasting solutions.
It is a strange, dangerous situation. With Zarb-i-Azb
now in its last phase, a final ground offensive in North Waziristan will
dislodge more militants and likely send a number of them scrambling across the
border into Afghanistan.
Meanwhile, the Afghans are bracing for what is likely
to be the most ferocious fighting season ever — with eastern and southern
Afghanistan remaining unstable. It makes sense, therefore, for Pakistan and
Afghanistan to cooperate — and yet intelligence cooperation and border
management remain piecemeal and ad hoc.
Perhaps, then, the best hope is for the
soon-to-be-resumed Afghan peace talks to produce quick results.
Drawing the main or even some Taliban factions into
peace negotiations will create some leverage over those groups to discourage
the most destabilising attacks, like those in Kabul.
And, pursuant to a deal, a more stable Afghanistan
would allow it address Pakistan’s security concerns regarding anti-Pakistan
militant sanctuaries along the border.
Until then, the Pak-Afghan focus should be to cooperate
when violence spikes rather than descend into a blame game.
re·sump·tion
The action of beginning something again after a pause
or interruption.
ramp up
a large increase in
activity or in the level of
something
on·set
The beginning of something, especially something
unpleasant.
ex·ag·ger·ate
Represent (something) as being larger, greater, better,
or worse than it really is.
nudge
Prod (someone) gently, typically with one's elbow, in
order to draw their attention to something.
dis·lodge
Knock or force out of position.
scram·ble
Make one's way quickly or awkwardly up a steep slope or
over rough ground by using one's hands as well as one's feet.
brac·ing
Fresh and invigorating.
fe·ro·cious
Savagely fierce, cruel, or violent.
pur·su·ant
In accordance with (a law or a legal document or
resolution).
spike
A thin, pointed piece of metal, wood, or another rigid
material.
de·scend
Move or fall downward.
tryst
A private, romantic rendezvous between lovers.
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