#EVERYDAYQUIZ #THE HINDU #INDIAN EXPRESS #BUSINESS STANDARD #NEWYORK TIMES #THE DAWN #theMoscowTimes
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THE HINDU: Bolivia’s Morales transformation
It
may be tempting to decry Bolivia’s referendum vote on
February 21 as being illustrative of a drift towards autocracy by popularly
elected leaders. The charismatic Evo Morales sought a mandate to run for a
fourth presidential term in 2019, but it was denied in a close vote.
Whatever
the moral merit underlying such a judgment, the truth is that in the absence of
a constitutionally stipulated limit on the President’s term in office, unlike
in France or in the United States, strong and popular figures tend to seek
successive re-election. As regards the countries of Latin America, attempts to
get around the constitutional process in this respect cut across the
ideological divide. There is a common thread that runs through the contemporary
experience of countries as diverse as Venezuela and Colombia. This is the
memory of political volatility, U.S.-backed military dictatorships and armed
insurgency, and the consequent shadow of institutional instability that often
remains well after the installation of directly elected governments. In fact,
Mr. Morales’s bid for his current third term was similarly secured through a
constitutional sanction, one that eventually culminated in his record
second-best electoral performance.
That
said, judging from the public mood of rejection of another electoral contest
for the once near-invincible, and first indigenous, President, the outcome must
seem not inconsiderable a victory for democracy, especially since the persona
of Mr. Morales has been almost indistinguishable from his political rhetoric
and policy initiatives. The nationalisation of natural resources and utilities
matched his anti-imperialist stance. His cash-transfer schemes transformed one
of Latin America’s poorest countries into one of the region’s fast-growing
economies and in the process halved levels of extreme poverty. Cumulatively,
the political stability and macroeconomic performance of the recent years are a
comparison in contrast with the marginalisation of the majority indigenous
population during the 1964-1982 military rule and the crippling impact of
structural adjustment in the years immediately thereafter. But the result in
the referendum may have put Bolivia’s evolving democratic ethos at a crossroads
in so far as it reflects a shift away from the large peasantry that once
constituted the support base of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS). A bulk of
this segment is today an assertive, ambitious and perhaps anxious middle class
that has seen much of the optimism of the boom in commodity prices and consumer
spending evaporate following the slump in the global demand for oil. While
there were as many incumbents in office in the five years preceding President
Morales’s ascent to power in 2006, MAS has apparently not thrown up the next
line of leadership in the period it has been in office. Moreover, Opposition
parties in Bolivia today seem to have coalesced solely on the issue of denying
another term for the incumbent President. From now until the end of the Morales
era, is a time for introspection.
morales
(morale) a
state of individual psychological well-being based upon a sense of confidence
and usefulness and purpose
tempt·ing
Appealing to
or attracting someone, even if wrong or inadvisable.
de·cry
Publicly
denounce.
drift
Be carried
slowly by a current of air or water
au·toc·ra·cy
A system of
government by one person with absolute power.
char·is·mat·ic
Exercising a
compelling charm that inspires devotion in others.
stip·u·late
Demand or
specify (a requirement), typically as part of a bargain or agreement
volatility
The property
of changing readily from a solid or liquid to a vapor
dic·ta·tor·ship
Government by
a dictator.
insurgency
An organized
rebellion aimed at overthrowing a constituted government through the use of
subversion and armed conflict
cul·mi·nate
Reach a climax
or point of highest development.
in·vin·ci·ble
Too powerful
to be defeated or overcome.
in·dig·e·nous
Originating or
occurring naturally in a particular place; native.
in·con·sid·er·a·ble
Of small size,
amount, or extent.
rhet·o·ric
The art of
effective or persuasive speaking or writing, especially the use of figures of
speech and other compositional techniques
im·pe·ri·al·ist
Of, relating
to, supporting, or practicing imperialism.
e·volve
Develop
gradually, especially from a simple to a more complex form.
e·thos
The
characteristic spirit of a culture, era, or community as manifested in its
beliefs and aspirations.
peasantry
The class of
peasants
as·ser·tive
Having or
showing a confident and forceful personality.
in·cum·bent
The holder of
an office or post.
as·cent
A climb or
walk to the summit of a mountain or hill.
co·a·lesce
Come together
and form one mass or whole.
THE HINDU: Cautious
optimism
The Economic Survey presented in
Parliament by Finance Minister Arun Jaitley reaffirms the positive
growth numbers that have been projected by many global agencies, including the
International Monetary Fund. Coming just a couple of days ahead of the Union
Budget, the larger picture detailed by the Economic Survey should provide
Mr. Jaitley a measure of confidence to show the business-friendly side of the
BJP-led NDA government with a reform-oriented road map. The Survey indicates
the possibility of India posting 7-plus per cent GDP (gross domestic product)
growth for the third year in a row. A 7.2 per cent growth rate in 2014-15 and a
possible 7.6 per cent expansion in 2015-16 must be read favourably in the
context of the global slowdown and domestic concerns about the farm sector
after insufficient monsoon rains followed by a warm winter. The Survey is quite
optimistic about 7 to 7.75 per cent growth in the coming fiscal year — in fact,
the claim is made that “conditions do exist for raising the economy’s growth
momentum to 8 per cent or more in the next couple of years’’. Liberally lauding
the government for its initiatives on the fiscal front, the Survey indicates
that the Centre should be in a position to adhere to its fiscal deficit target
of 3.9 per cent of GDP. A robust expansion in the service sector, accelerated
growth in industry and a pick-up in IIP (Index of Industrial Production) have
all, according to the Survey, created a climate of optimism. Still, given the
extremely uncertain external environment, the Survey warns that “India’s growth
will face considerable headwinds”.
It is in offering a prescription to deal with
this malady of becalmed global demand that the Survey makes bold. It makes a
strong and valid case for giving a big push to agriculture, health and
education. It repeats the widely articulated industry demand for addressing the
“exit problem” that is hurting the economy. Calling it a “Chakravyuha challenge’’,
the Survey lists the enormous fiscal, economic and political costs involved in
sustaining incapacitated ventures. Another meaningful suggestion is that India
move from a pro-industry approach to one that is “genuinely pro-competition”.
The growth momentum, it is felt, could well be sustained by “activating
domestic sources of demand’’. Interestingly, the Survey sees in the
implementation of the Seventh Pay Commission recommendations a demand-booster.
The Reserve Bank of India, however, has chosen to view the pay panel-induced
payout from the prism of inflation. The Survey has rightly called for a quick
resolution to the twin balance sheet challenges — the impaired finances of
public sector banks and corporate houses. Indeed, this requires a holistic and
fair solution. Suggestions such as plugging leakages in subsidy payouts,
bringing more income-earners into the tax net, phasing out tax exemptions, not
raising exemption threshold limits, introducing differential power tariff and
imposing higher property taxes are all resource-raising options listed to deal
with the resource crunch. How much of this purposefulness will in fact inform
the new Budget will be ascertained on Monday.
cau·tious
(of a person)
careful to avoid potential problems or dangers.
re·af·firm
State again as
a fact; assert again strongly.
laud
Praise (a
person or their achievements) highly, especially in a public context.
ro·bust
Strong and
healthy; vigorous.
head·wind
A wind blowing
from directly in front, opposing forward motion.
mal·a·dy
A disease or
ailment.
be·calm
Leave (a
sailing vessel) unable to move through lack of wind.
e·nor·mous
Very large in
size, quantity, or extent.
in·ca·pac·i·tat·ed
Deprived of
strength or power; debilitated
sus·tain
Strengthen or
support physically or mentally.
mo·men·tum
The quantity
of motion of a moving body, measured as a product of its mass and velocity.
im·paired
Weakened or
damaged.
plug
Block or fill
in (a hole or cavity).
thresh·old
A strip of
wood, metal, or stone forming the bottom of a doorway and crossed in entering a
house or room.
crunch
Crush (a hard
or brittle foodstuff) with the teeth, making a loud but muffled grinding sound.
as·cer·tain
Find
(something) out for certain; make sure of.
BUSINESS STANDARD: Dogfight in the skies
The dogfight between older and newer airlines over the
draft civil aviation policy unveiled in October last year - and reportedly now
close to being finalised - could have been avoided had the government taken
industry players into confidence on the changes it sought to introduce. The
Federation of Indian Airlines (FIA), which has members who control over 90 per
cent of the airline business, has on many occasions gone public with its
grievance that the aviation ministry has not held a single meeting with them on
the issue - a charge the ministry has not refuted so far. This reluctance to
engage the major stakeholders is inexplicable and opens the route to all kinds
of avoidable conjectures at a time when transparency is so important. Not that
the FIA has covered itself in glory by making so-far-unverified allegations
against two of the new airlines - which the FIA said were effectively
controlled by their foreign partners in contravention of the existing rules. It
is obvious that the FIA is using this as an excuse to block the proposed
lifting of the foreign ownership cap of 49 per cent on domestic airlines.
The more substantive issue is the proposal to abolish the 5/20 rule that prohibits domestic airlines from flying overseas until they have operated for five years and acquired 20 aircraft. The rule itself is arbitrary; hence, the FIA's insistence on persisting with the scheme defies logic and seems motivated by a distaste for competition. Certainly, they were wronged earlier. But that can't be an excuse for opposing scrapping the rule just because it would benefit the newer airlines. The real problem lies elsewhere. The draft policy proposes to replace the 5/20 rule with a complex system of domestic flying credits (DFC) - airlines would gain access to international skies by clocking up miles on loss-making but socially beneficial regional routes and a two per cent levy on all flights would help subsidise these regional connections. This proposal is without any foundation and not practised in any known aviation market in the world. The concept may have been derived from the ill-fated emission trading scheme of the European Union, which the Indian government itself has vehemently opposed in the past.
Where the FIA argument makes sense is the suggestion that if the government removes 5/20, it should also do away with route dispersal guidelines (RDG) under which an Indian carrier has to fly a certain percentage of its metro flights on remote and unprofitable routes. Under the proposed changes, new airlines with much smaller fleet sizes can fulfil the requirement of going overseas by flying very few planes on these routes for a year or two. Then they can add as many planes as they want for international flying. In contrast, the older airlines cannot pull out of their existing domestic flights and thus will be saddled with loss-making routes in perpetuity. Clearly, this is not a level playing field. After all, if 5/20 does not exist anywhere in the world, it is equally true that RDG also does not exist anywhere. The primary goal of the civil aviation policy should be to ensure that there is a level playing field for all operators.
The more substantive issue is the proposal to abolish the 5/20 rule that prohibits domestic airlines from flying overseas until they have operated for five years and acquired 20 aircraft. The rule itself is arbitrary; hence, the FIA's insistence on persisting with the scheme defies logic and seems motivated by a distaste for competition. Certainly, they were wronged earlier. But that can't be an excuse for opposing scrapping the rule just because it would benefit the newer airlines. The real problem lies elsewhere. The draft policy proposes to replace the 5/20 rule with a complex system of domestic flying credits (DFC) - airlines would gain access to international skies by clocking up miles on loss-making but socially beneficial regional routes and a two per cent levy on all flights would help subsidise these regional connections. This proposal is without any foundation and not practised in any known aviation market in the world. The concept may have been derived from the ill-fated emission trading scheme of the European Union, which the Indian government itself has vehemently opposed in the past.
Where the FIA argument makes sense is the suggestion that if the government removes 5/20, it should also do away with route dispersal guidelines (RDG) under which an Indian carrier has to fly a certain percentage of its metro flights on remote and unprofitable routes. Under the proposed changes, new airlines with much smaller fleet sizes can fulfil the requirement of going overseas by flying very few planes on these routes for a year or two. Then they can add as many planes as they want for international flying. In contrast, the older airlines cannot pull out of their existing domestic flights and thus will be saddled with loss-making routes in perpetuity. Clearly, this is not a level playing field. After all, if 5/20 does not exist anywhere in the world, it is equally true that RDG also does not exist anywhere. The primary goal of the civil aviation policy should be to ensure that there is a level playing field for all operators.
dog·fight
A close combat
between military aircraft.
un·veil
Remove a veil
or covering from, especially uncover (a new monument or work of art) as part of
a public ceremony.
re·fute
Prove (a
statement or theory) to be wrong or false; disprove.
con·jec·ture
An opinion or
conclusion formed on the basis of incomplete information.
un·ver·i·fied
Not having
been verified.
con·tra·ven·tion
An action that
violates a law, treaty, or other ruling.
ar·bi·trar·y
Based on
random choice or personal whim, rather than any reason or system.
de·fy
Openly resist
or refuse to obey.
clocking
up
to win or achieve a large number of similar things:
The Australians have clocked up three gold medals and two silversin the swimming events.
le·vy
Impose (a tax, fee, or fine).
ill-fated
unlucky and
unsuccessful, often resulting in death
The ill-fated aircraft later crashed into the hillside.
ve·he·ment
Showing strong feeling; forceful, passionate, or intense
do
away with
to get rid of something or stop using something
dis·per·sal
The action or process of distributing things or people
over a wide area.
saddled
with
to put someone in a situation in
which they have to deal with
something difficult or unpleasant
INDIAN EXPRESS: The spirit of new times
Vijay Mallya’s good times ended even
before his retirement as chairman of United Spirits Ltd (USL) that was
announced on Thursday. The seeds were probably sown in September 2013, when
Raghuram Rajan, who had just taken over as RBI governor, declared that
promoters had no “divine right” to stay in charge regardless of how badly they
ran their enterprises at the cost of shareholders, lenders and employees. Rajan
himself was reflecting increasing public outrage against promoters living the
high life (and flaunting it), even while their companies were defaulting on
loans, taken largely from state-owned banks, and not paying salaries to
employees for months. Nobody personified this more than Mallya, whose lavish
lifestyle was built around fast cars, faster jets, IPL cricket and
aesthetically shot calendars featuring bikini-clad models. That banks
themselves took their own sweet time to declare him a “wilful defaulter” only
added to the sense of disgust.
Even in his forced resignation, Mallya
has received a good deal. USL, now majority-owned by UK-based Diageo, will pay
him a nifty sum of $75 million for agreeing to go. Further, the company has
decided to drop all charges of financial impropriety that an internal probe had
apparently revealed against him. If that was not all, Mallya will now enjoy the
designation of “founder emeritus” of the concern that his father had originally
built (it was called McDowell and Company till 2006). He will also remain
chairman of United Breweries, maker of Kingfisher beer.
Mallya’s exit — a “clean break”, as he
called it — will enable the 60-year-old to “spend more time in England, closer
to my children”. Such a quiet walk into the sunset is quite at odds with
someone who used to be the “King of Good Times”.
out·rage
An extremely strong reaction of anger, shock, or
indignation.
flaunt
Display (something) ostentatiously, especially in order
to provoke envy or admiration or to show defiance.
high life
an exciting way of living in which rich and successful peopleenjoy themselves by spending a lot of time and money in fashionable places
per·son·i·fy
Represent (a quality or concept) by a figure in human
form.
aesthetically
In a tasteful way; "this building is aesthetically
very pleasing"
relating to the enjoyment or study of beauty
e·mer·i·tus
(of the former holder of an office, especially a college
professor) having retired but allowed to retain their title as an honor.
The Guardian view on the EU and the refugee crisis: stop arguing, and fix it
European divisions are growing, not being reduced. Athens on Thursday recalled its ambassador from Vienna, in effect accusing Austria of teaming up with other countries in the region to – in the words of the Greek migration minister – transform Greece into “Europe’s Lebanon”. The comparison was meant to highlight the possibility that, with borders closing to its north on the migrant trail, Greece could end up becoming a bottleneck for refugees on Europe’s south-eastern flank. If Greece were to welcome refugees in the same proportions that Lebanon has reached in recent years (one in five people in the country), it would be looking at an inflow of 2.2 million people. It is a far-fetched scenario, at this stage.
But there is no disputing that the Balkan equation has become even more complex than it was, and that Greece has genuine reasons to be concerned. On Wednesday, ministers from Austria and nine Balkan countries discussed ways to control the region’s borders and check the identities of people seeking refuge. Greek officials were furious they weren’t invited. The discussions seemed aimed at making it as difficult as possible for refugees having reached Greece to leave the country. Macedonia has started turning back refugees, and Austria is now imposing daily quotas on asylum claims. Add to that Slovenia’s decision to deploy army units on its border with Croatia, and a picture emerges where Greece is at risk of becoming something of an EU outpost where refugees would start accumulating, unable to travel onwards as has mostly been the case up until now. Alexis Tsipras described this as Greece becoming “a warehouse of souls”.
Austrian officials were adamant that the Vienna summit was meant to work towards a common European approach, but that rhetoric hardly squares with the unilateral steps that were being taken. Meanwhile, Hungary’s government has announced plans to hold a national referendum on EU plans to distribute refugee quotas – a move that is bound to intensify the European fragmentation.
The paradox is that rational solutions to Europe’s refugee crisis have long been laid out. They include pan-European resettlement efforts, a strengthening of the EU’s external borders, a deal with Turkey, and the negotiated repatriation of economic migrants who are found not entitled to asylum. What is lacking is not a script, but its implementation. This needs to be corrected. Bridges need to be mended, not ambassadors recalled. Refugees in Greece must be properly registered and screened, not simply pushed onwards. Mutual recriminations may give the impression that national interests are being defended, but the opposite is true. The EU is a rich bloc of 500 million inhabitants that should be capable of managing the arrival of hundreds of thousands of desperate people. That can only happen if it is done collectively and in close, cool-headed consultation – not in frantic, separate moves that only make the problem worse.
ex·o·dus
A mass departure of people, especially emigrants.
con·fis·cate
Take or seize (someone's property) with authority.
barbed
wire
a type of strong wire with sharp points on it, used to
preventpeople or animals from entering or leaving a place, especiallya field
height·en
Make (something) higher.
re·lent·less
Oppressively constant; incessant
continuing in a severe or extreme way
ces·sa·tion
The fact or process of ending or being brought to an end.
hos·til·i·ty
Hostile behavior; unfriendliness or opposition.
Stem
to stop something unwanted from spreading or increasing
backdrop
the general situation in which particular events happen
teaming up
used in a number of phrases that refer to people workingtogether as a group in order to achieve something
bottleneck
a problem that delays progress
fu·ri·ous
Extremely angry.
out·post
A small military camp or position at some distance from
the main force, used especially as a guard against surprise attack.
ad·a·mant
Refusing to be persuaded or to change one's mind.
repatriation
The act of returning to the country of origin
re·crim·i·na·tion
An accusation in response to one from someone else.
des·per·ate
Feeling, showing, or involving a hopeless sense that a
situation is so bad as to be impossible to deal with.
cool-headed
having the ability to stay calm and think clearly in difficultsituations
fran·tic
Wild or distraught with fear, anxiety, or other emotion.
THE NEWYORK TIMES: Sarah Palin’s Mustache
IT’S hard to know
exactly what impact Sarah Palin’s endorsement of Donald J. Trump has had on his
campaign. We do know, however, that the sparkly Milly beaded silk bolero jacket
she wore while giving her speech sold outsoon after, despite its $695
price tag. But several style experts slammed her choice as
inappropriate, and on Twitter a marketing executive likened her to a
“disco ball hedgehog.”
Women in the public eye
walk a perilous line. Last month, President Obama told Politico that
he admired Hillary Clinton for the fact that when she was campaigning against
him, she had to do everything he had to do but “like Ginger Rogers, backwards
in heels.” She even had to wake up earlier than he did, the president said,
“because she had to get her hair done.”
And now she may yet
compete against Mr. Trump, a former owner of the Miss Universe pageant, who
poked fun at Carly Fiorina’s face and asked, “Would anyone vote for that?” In
Mr. Trump’s spiteful eye, even Angelina Jolie isunattractive and Heidi
Klum is “no longer a 10.”
Which is ridiculous,
coming from a man who is no longer young and has a peculiar hairstyle. Why,
then, does the lens through which we view and judge prominent people still
remain more magnified, harsh and unforgiving for women than for men?
Take, for example, an
incident during the run-up to the 2008 presidential election, when I was a
senior editor at Newsweek. We were given about 15 minutes to snap Senator John
McCain and his running mate, whose identity was at that time a guarded secret:
The photo of Mr. McCain and Ms. Palin ran on the cover of our Sept. 8
issue, devoted to the Republican convention.
Two months later, we ran
a cover story on Ms. Palin with the tag line “She’s One of the Folks.” The
editor in charge of covers, Bruce Ramsay, said he wanted a more intimate portrait,
so we used a closely cropped version of the earlier image.
A female staffer noticed
that the crop revealed some untended lip and eyebrow hair, but Mr. Ramsay
decided to go ahead with the image unaltered, for several reasons. The magazine
had a policy of not retouching photos, and Mr. Ramsay wanted the strong eye
contact in the image; in any case, the facial hair was barely noticeable.
Once it hit the
newsstands, though, conservative commentators fumed, accusing Newsweek of
trying to damage Ms. Palin. One Republican media consultant called the
cover “mortifying,” “a clear slap in the face.” The image “highlights every
imperfection,” she said. “We’re talking unwanted facial hair, pores, wrinkles.”
A media business analyst decried it
as an insult. “Here’s your beauty queen,” he wrote. Ms. Palin was “your
‘hottest governor from the coldest state.’ How do you like her now that you’ve
seen her crows’ feet, her clumpy mascara, her bloodshot eyes, her faint
mustache, her cakey makeup, her gaping pores etc?”
In short, Newsweek was
accused of sexism because we did not airbrush the photo. The truth
was, we’d portrayed Ms. Palin just the way we did male candidates.
“What was most
interesting about the episode is that Newsweek (and probably other media)
typically shot men and women differently for news covers,” says Mark Miller,
who was Newsweek’s assistant managing editor in 2008. “So when the photographer
and crew set up for the August shoot, the lighting was created in anticipation
of a male candidate. It was, for lack of a better word, harsher than we would
have used for a woman.
“In effect, we had
typically ‘man lighting’ and ‘female lighting’ — and they weren’t the same.
Also, because our editorial policy was not to alter news photos, we generally
did not use close-up images of women on the cover because of the potential for
an unflattering image.”
Bizarre, isn’t it?
As Mr. Miller points
out: “Close-up photos of men are used all the time without being touched up —
men, particularly our political leaders, are expected to have lines and
wrinkles. In fact, the cragginess of a man’s face is thought to express
character.”
The incident reveals
fascinating fault lines in the way we view public figures: Why do women need to
be perfect? What do we expect from our political leaders? Why can we portray
men in close-up and not women? Why are male blemishes signs of authority while
women’s are signs of shame?
And why, in particular,
do we stigmatize female facial hair so savagely? As Victorian literature
reveals, women have long sported mustaches, and were not always judged so
sorely for it. When Tess rides away with Alec in Thomas Hardy’s “Tess of the
D’Urbervilles,” a character’s mother laughs while “stroking her mustache.”
In Victoria Cross’s 1903
novel “Six Chapters of a Man’s Life,” the heroine has a mustache “so
perceptible that you can see it all across the room.” The male narrator is charmed:
“It would spoil most women I know, but it doesn’t seem to spoil her.”
The lead character in
Albert W. Aiken’s 1895 dime novel “The Female Barber Detective,” Mignon
Lawrence, confesses to her landlady that “if I didn’t shave I would
have a regular mustache, and as a woman can’t very well go to a barber I am
compelled to shave myself.”
In “The Woman in White,”
the character Marian Halcombe is described as having “dark down on her upper
lip” that “was almost a mustache.” Yet when Wilkie Collins’s 1859 story was
adapted as a musical by Andrew Lloyd Webber in 2004, this aspect of
her appearance was ignored so that the audience would not be “distracted” by
her facial hair.
Why do we consider a
mere hint of the hirsute such a disgrace for women when men can mooch about our
cities with goatees, mutton-chop whiskers, navel-skimming beards and even “man
buns” with little comment? We think of ourselves as liberated, yet it is still
considered embarrassing and shameful for a woman’s upper lip to be imperfectly
depilated.
I could not care less
whether someone waxes, trims, bleaches or zaps — I’m not volunteering to become
a champion of hirsutism. Mightier ladies than I may blaze that path.
The real question here
is about perfection: the standards by which women are judged, and the seemingly
ever-present, imposed need to airbrush the images of women. Even
vice-presidential candidates. This is something we must ask if we want to
shrink the too-long list of things that distract people from what women
actually say when we try to speak in public.
per·il·ous
Full of danger or risk.
pag·eant
A public entertainment consisting of a procession of
people in elaborate, colorful costumes, or an outdoor performance of a
historical scene.
spite·ful
Showing or caused by malice.
pe·cu·liar
Strange or odd; unusual.
in·ti·mate
Closely acquainted; familiar, close.
mor·ti·fy
Cause (someone) to feel embarrassed, ashamed, or
humiliated.
un·flat·ter·ing
Not flattering.
stig·ma·tize
Describe or regard as worthy of disgrace or great
disapproval.
sore·ly
To a very high degree or level of intensity (especially
of an unwelcome or unpleasant state or emotion).
hir·sute
Hairy.
mooch
Ask for or obtain (something) without paying for it.
shrink
Become or make smaller in size or amount; contract or
cause to contract.
THE
MOSCOW TIMES: No Easy Fix for Syria (Op-Ed)
It is not peace in our time, it
may well never even happen, and even if it does, probably won't last. It
is not the result of humanitarian impulses and diplomatic good
will, but of cynicism, exhaustion, and geopolitical calculation. Even
if it does take effect, it is likely to be marred by local breaches
and tit-for-tat claims of who is to blame.
For all that, it would be
a mistake to write off the "cessation
of hostilities" plan announced by Russia and the United
States on Feb. 22, and due to take effect Feb. 27.
Grounds for Hope
First, it is easier to start
thinking about a lasting settlement during a truce than in the
middle of fighting, however distant a prospect of a deal between
Damascus and at least some of the rebels may currently seem. Syrian
President Bashar Assad and his Russian allies are still hoping
to expand and consolidate the area under their control.
The rebels have not abandoned their commitment to toppling
the regime. But if there is to be any settlement — and I
stress if — it will come from dialogue.
Secondly, it allows and requires
the Russians to do what they have said they are there
to do — batter Islamic State, a terrorist group banned
in Russia. There is now the prospect for the kind
of combined — if not necessarily coordinated — U.S.
and Russian aerial onslaught that might be able to make serious
inroads into the movement's military, political and economic
capacities.
The partial cease-fire agreement
is also an opportunity to call the participants' bluffs. Moscow
and Damascus have long practiced the art of "talking while
fighting," giving the appearance of openness to dialogue,
while trying to change the situation on the ground to their
advantage.
Likewise, many of the rebel
groups, some of which are little more than bandits and warlords'
retinues, have been able to point to the regime's barbarity
to excuse their own.
Now, they will all be forced
to make good on their commitments, or be held accountable
for their failure.
Finally, every day, every minute
the guns are silent is good for ordinary Syrians — for a
population that has spent years caught in the murderous crossfire
of a complex and intractable war. It is unlikely to make
a major difference to the flows of refugees (indeed, many may
regard this as a good moment to make a run for it), but any
truce will allow aid to reach populations in desperate need.
Obstacles to Progress
This article is being written before
the partial cease-fire is meant to take effect, and it may all
have fallen through by the time you read it. Damascus and Moscow may
have no plan to observe it. But that is unlikely: They know full well they
will likely face blame if it does break.
More to the point, the rebels
are a ragtag collection of units, leaders and movements, with
often wildly different aims and approaches. Even in the best-case
scenario, not all will observe the cease-fire. Ascribing blame will be
much less helpful than rapid efforts by the guarantors—Russia and the
United States—to isolate and control any local skirmishes.
Perhaps most pernicious is
the extent to which this is such a multi-vectored war.
On the government side, not only
are there subtle but real divisions between different factions, there is
the much more evident divide between the regime's two backers:
Russia, which largely works through the military, and Iran, which has
built a parallel power base through the militias in the National
Defense Forces, supported by Lebanese Hizbullah.
Then there are the Kurds
of northern Syria, backed by Washington, demonized by Ankara.
Turkey is making an aggressive play for regional authority,
and currently with some support from Saudi Arabia.
There are other obstacles to progress:
Israel, Iraq, the Gulf States, and a range of others involved
in this vicious power play with seemingly less interest than Moscow or
Washington in a swift resolution.
Assuming at least some of the
fighting does stop on Saturday, the attention on the ground will
rightly focus on the diverging campaigns of humanitarian relief
and anti-Islamic State warfighting.
The real diplomatic priority,
however, must be to start to disentangle Syria's tragedy
from regional rivalries. For as long as Syria is still treated as
the board for some Middle Eastern game of Risk, temporary,
partial and not completely satisfactory lulls in the fighting are
going to be about the best it can accept.
im·pulse
A sudden strong and unreflective urge or desire to act.
cyn·i·cism
An inclination to believe that people are motivated
purely by self-interest; skepticism
mar
Impair the appearance of; disfigure.
breach
An act of breaking or failing to observe a law,
agreement, or code of conduct.
truce
An agreement between enemies or opponents to stop
fighting or arguing for a certain time.
on·slaught
A fierce or destructive attack
in·trac·ta·ble
Hard to control or deal with.
des·per·ate
Feeling, showing, or involving a hopeless sense that a
situation is so bad as to be impossible to deal with.
skir·mish
An episode of irregular or unpremeditated fighting,
especially between small or outlying parts of armies or fleets.
vec·tor
Direct (an aircraft in flight) to a desired point.
de·mon·ize
Portray as wicked and threatening.
dis·en·tan·gle
Free (something or someone) from an entanglement;
extricate.
lull
Calm or send to sleep, typically with soothing sounds or
movements.
THE DAWN: Nuclear restraint potential
THE National Command Authority, the apex nuclear body in
the country, met on Wednesday and, among now-standard reiterations, “re-emphasised Pakistan’s desire for
establishing the Strategic Restraint Regime in South Asia and the inescapable
need of a meaningful and sustained comprehensive dialogue process for
resolution of all outstanding disputes”.
In a week in
which it was revealed that Pakistan and India are among the top 10 importers of
arms globally, the NCA’s message was sensible and welcome.
The
Strategic Restraint Regime (SRR) was first mooted by Pakistan in the wake of
the 1998 nuclear tests in South Asia and is based on nuclear restraint,
conventional balance and dispute settlement. In theory, SRR would eliminate the
possibility of an arms race and, via dispute settlement, rationalise the
investments in their militaries that India and Pakistan have deemed necessary.
In reality, India has never been interested in SRR. Why?
Security
hawks in Pakistan would point to India’s unbridled ambitions and its desire to
project military power over its neighbours. The massive investments that India
has made and is continuing to make to transform its military capabilities do
suggest that ambition more than pure threat perception is driving India’s
defence strategy.
An economy
that is still growing at more than seven per cent per annum has created the
fiscal space for India’s policymakers to pursue fanciful projects. Yet, there
is another side to the story. The SRR is a bilateral pact, whereas India is
locked in a rivalry with China too.
The Chinese
military budget, at an estimated $150bn, is three times the size of India’s.
The cascading security effect between China, India and Pakistan — and the
global ambitions of China and India — have made the SRR a non-starter. But it
need not be.
The elements
of SRR — nuclear restraint, conventional balance and dispute settlement — are
interlocking. For example, it was India’s consideration of Cold Start, a
next-generation conventional capability, that triggered Pakistan’s interest in
tactical nuclear weapons.
Cold Start
was Pakistan-specific and had little relevance to China, suggesting that if
India had shown restraint in its public posturing, the Pak-India nuclear
threshold would not have been altered.
There is
also a third aspect, as the NCA statement made clear: “a meaningful and
sustained comprehensive dialogue process”. For all the rhetoric and occasional
bellicosity, Indian and Pakistani policymakers are ultimately rational actors.
As long as
there are outstanding disputes of a serious nature, the threat of conflict is a
real one — and defence strategies and spending will reflect that reality.
Resolve those disputes, however, and a rationalisation will eventually and
necessarily take place. To assert that is not woolly optimism.
Dialogue may
not yield immediate or significant breakthroughs, but that is why it needs to
be meaningful and sustained. The NCA statement suggests that the military is
supportive of comprehensive dialogue. India should meet Pakistan half way.
reiterations
(reiteration) reduplication: the act of repeating over
and again (or an instance thereof)
re·straint
A measure or condition that keeps someone or something
under control or within limits.
moot
Raise (a question or topic) for discussion; suggest (an
idea or possibility).
hawks
a type of large bird that catches small birds and animals for food
un·bri·dled
Uncontrolled; unconstrained.
cascading
a large amount of something
that hangs down
in·ter·lock
(of two or more things) engage with each other by
overlapping or by the fitting together of projections and recesses.
bellicosity
A natural disposition to fight
wool·ly
Made of wool.
#SSC #IBPS #SBI #RBI #NABARD #NICL #NIACL #CAT #NMAT #everydayquiz
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