Newspaper Editorials With English Vocab

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THE HINDU: Referendum gamble for Britain

British Prime Minister David Cameron wants London to stay in and out of the European Union (EU) all at the same time, and his counterparts would let it be.

Regardless of the result in the June 23 in-out referendum on the question of the U.K.’s EU membership, the difficult and delicate deal stitched together among the leaders of the 28-member bloc carries immense diplomatic significance and value for its near future. The slogan of ever-closer integration in Europe may have carried some romantic appeal in a world recovering from the ravages of the two great wars. It may not be so compelling any longer. The enlargement of the original bloc of six countries into what is today a gigantic transnational entity of 28 is forcing the leaders of as many sovereign states to confront, from their individual perspectives, the cumulative and complex realities of competing nationalisms. As for Britain, the question whether it should stay or leave the EU has overshadowed the better part of the forty-plus years of its membership since 1973. Now, in the midst of the influx of immigrants in their millions from North Africa and West Asia, the U.K. feels the urgency to define its equation with the rest of the bloc in more precise terms. “Live and let live,” Mr. Cameron told his counterparts in Brussels, as he secured safeguards for the minority of non-eurozone states, significant in view of London’s large financial services industry.

For their part, EU leaders, while increasingly wary of the U.K.’s persistent and shrill eurosceptic stance, would not easily reconcile to the idea of the exit of one of the continent’s biggest economies, one with immense international clout and a permanent UN Security Council seat. There was implicit, if unspoken, appreciation in Berlin, Paris and Brussels in recent months that the prospect of a Brexit would not bode well politically for the bloc, as much as a Grexit would severely dent the project of the single currency, now nearing completion of two decades. That Britain is in a minority of countries that neither share the euro nor participate in the Schengen border-free zone does not diminish its weight and importance in the larger EU framework. Conversely, the exemption of Britain from ever-closer integration in the Union — a founding principle — promised in the latest agreement, represents an important, if symbolic, selling point for Mr. Cameron. Several Conservative euro-sceptics, both within and outside the Cabinet, are to campaign for an outright exit in the coming referendum. In a compromise, Mr. Cameron had to concede the retention, with some modifications, of benefit payments to immigrant workers and their children from within the EU. On both, the original unrealistic position favoured an outright ban. The Leave Campaign will undoubtedly view these changes as carrying little substance against their decided position. Despite the uncertainty over the outcome of the June vote, it is hard to imagine the British public being excited into exit mode, notwithstanding a frenzied media campaign.

ref·er·en·dum

A general vote by the electorate on a single political question that has been referred to them for a direct decision.

coun·ter·part

A person or thing holding a position or performing a function that corresponds to that of another person or thing in another place.

rav·age

Cause severe and extensive damage to.

o·ver·shad·ow

Tower above and cast a shadow over.

war·y

Feeling or showing caution about possible dangers or problems.

shrill

(of a voice or sound) high-pitched and piercing.

Eu·ro·skep·tic

A person who is opposed to increasing the powers of the European Union.

rec·on·cile

Restore friendly relations between.

clout

A heavy blow with the hand or a hard object.

 ​power and ​influence over other ​people or ​events

bode well

 to be a ​sign of something that will ​happen in the ​future, usually something very good or ​bad:

con·verse·ly

Introducing a statement or idea that reverses one that has just been made or referred to.

con·cede

Admit that something is true or valid after first denying or resisting it.

out·right

Altogether; completely.

fren·zied

Wildly excited or uncontrolled.

THE HINDU: Stark reminder in Jammu & Kashmir

The gunfight between militants and the security forces in Pampore, near Srinagar, that went on for three days since Saturday is a stark reminder that in Jammu and Kashmir embers can flare up any moment, and that with summer approaching there needs to be greater political determination in dealing with law and order. The stand-off started when a group of heavily armed militants opened fire on a convoy, targeting especially a Central Reserve Police Force bus. The CRPF lost head constable driver R.K. Rana, who was driving the bus, and head constable Bhola Singh, while several other jawans were injured. The militants then ran into the compound of the Entrepreneurship Development Institute, along the Srinagar-Jammu national highway. The gun battle has already resulted in grave and unacceptably high casualties — three Army men, two CRPF personnel and a civilian. What is especially worrying, and must force military planners and the political top brass in New Delhi to sit up and take note, is the death of three elite para commandos of the Army. India cannot afford to keep losing its young men with such dreary frequency.

The attack in Pampore follows a new pattern emerging in Jammu and Kashmir in recent months. Violence had been steadily dwindling until 2014, when for various reasons it picked up pace again in the Valley. In part, it was because the previous United Progressive Alliance government had failed to politically exploit the opening presented by the ebbing of militancy in the State. An all-out effort at that point would have helped the Manmohan Singh government find a possible breakthrough in bringing peace back to Kashmir. That would have entailed an honourable settlement of grievances of all sides, and resulted in ending the deployment of almost half a million Indian soldiers in the State. Unfortunately, the level of violence in Kashmir has been steadily climbing since the Narendra Modi government came to power, but a political opportunity presented itself in early 2015 when, in a master stroke, the Bharatiya Janata Party sewed up a coalition government with the Peoples Democratic Party. That was seen to be the first step in the peace process, bringing political determination on the part of New Delhi behind the PDP’s healing touch. However, the initial efforts have floundered, especially since the death of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed. Violence in the State has also steadily increased in recent months, with many incidents claiming an unusually high toll of security forces and civilians. What is most noticeable about the present phase of violence is that many attacks are carried out by home-grown militants, a new wave of youngsters from within the Indian borders who have taken to violence, in recent times. A steady stream of militants infiltrating from Pakistan keeps the pot boiling. All this is happening during Governor’s Rule, while political parties allow the situation to drift in order that they may hammer out a beneficial alliance deal. The Centre and all the stakeholders must address the challenge of the growing alienation among Kashmiris.

stark

Severe or bare in appearance or outline.

Go on

to ​continue or ​move to the next thing

em·ber

A small piece of burning or glowing coal or wood in a dying fire.

flare up 

a ​situation in which something such as ​violence, ​pain, or ​anger ​suddenly ​starts or gets much ​worse

 stand-off 

a ​situation in which ​agreement in an ​argument does not ​seem ​possible

con·voy

A group of ships or vehicles traveling together, typically accompanied by armed troops, warships, or other vehicles for protection.

dwin·dle

Diminish gradually in size, amount, or strength.

ebb

(of tidewater) move away from the land; recede.

en·tail

Involve (something) as a necessary or inevitable part or consequence.

floun·der

Struggle or stagger helplessly or clumsily in water or mud.

in·fil·trate

Enter or gain access to (an organization, place, etc.) surreptitiously and gradually, especially in order to acquire secret information.

The Guardian Observer view on presidential elections in Uganda

Yoweri Museveni has had a good run. Having seized power in Uganda in 1986, he has held the presidency ever since. As guerrilla leader turned politician-statesman, Museveni fitted the late 20th-century leadership profile that predominated in post-colonial Africa. Where once the heinous dictatorship of Idi Amin held sway, the Museveni era brought a democratic reformation. Where once chaos reigned, his strong grip on the fledgling state brought stability and, for many Ugandans, a degree of economic security and gradual social progress.

It is a pity Museveni is jeopardising all that now. By grabbing at a fifth consecutive term at the age of 71, while security forces simultaneously oppress his rivals, beat their supporters and disrupt voting, he risks tarnishing a legacy of achievement that, though modest, might have ensured him a respected place in Uganda’s history. He just cannot let go of power, it seems. He may thus come to be remembered for less creditable reasons.

The disconnect between Uganda’s past and present is obvious. The average age of the country’s 38 million people is 15. Most Ugandans were not even born when Museveni took office. The priorities of this electorate include jobs, education, free speech and open debate, an end to corruption and engagement with the world. They barely know the old man in the State House. His outlook and prejudices, including his notorious anti-gay record, belong to another age. These new citizens take the stability he established for granted, while increasingly balking at the means used to maintain it.

Kizza Besigye, who apparently came second to Museveni in last week’s presidential election, was briefly arrested shortly before the vote. He has already promised a campaign of “defiance” if, as seems certain, he deems the polls not free and fair. Opposition rallies have been disrupted, social media shut down and independent news organisations intimidated and harassed. There appear to have been serious irregularities in the opposition strongholds of Kampala and Wakiso, where voting was delayed or did not proceed at all. On Friday, police raided Besigye’s party headquarters, detaining him again for specious reasons.

Uganda has been here before. Protests after the previous presidential election in 2011 produced a violent security crackdown. Given the apparent margin of the president’s victory, stemming from his traditional, strong support in rural areas where 80% of Ugandans live, and given the extensive state security apparatus – 150,000 military, police and auxiliaries were deployed during the polls – it seems unlikely at this stage that Uganda will suffer the sort of lethal meltdown witnessed in nearby Burundi after elections last year. Besigye and the other leading opposition candidate, Amama Mbabazi, a former prime minister sacked by Museveni, will certainly strive to avoid the sort of extreme divisions seen in South Sudan.

But if the situation deteriorates, and given Museveni’s high-handedness, it is possible that Uganda will face the sort of long-running, damaging post-election instability seen in neighbouring Kenya in 2007 and 2013. Addressing a rally in eastern Uganda last month, Besigye indicated his Forum for Democratic Change party would continue to challenge what he characterised as a complacent, corrupt presidency for life. Besigye lampooned Museveni’s famous slogan celebrating Uganda’s steady progress. “I have not met someone as cynical as Museveni,” he said. “This massive poverty all over the country, he calls it ‘steady progress’. When you go to a hospital and there are no drugs, ‘steady progress’. All the roads are bad, ‘steady progress’.” As Kenyans might testify, making a mockery of a humourless hardman such as Museveni, a latter-day Daniel arap Moi, is a dangerous game.

Museveni’s clinging to power would not matter so much if he were offering a fresh programme mapping Uganda’s road ahead. Instead, he offers more of the same. By dismissing Mbabazi, a respected party technocrat once seen as his heir, he squandered the chance of an orderly transition within the ruling National Resistance Movement. By failing to quash suspicions that he may promote his wife, Janet, or son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, as successor, he risks accusations of dynasty politics like the Mugabes in Zimbabwe (or the Bushes and Clintons). Like another eternal president, Paul Kagame in next-door Rwanda, Museveni sets a poor example for African democracy and governance. By obstructing Uganda’s changing needs and aspirations with his grimly immovable presence, he does the nation a disservice.

guer·ril·la

A member of a small independent group taking part in irregular fighting, typically against larger regular forces.

hei·nous

(of a person or wrongful act, especially a crime) utterly odious or wicked.

jeop·ard·ize

Put (someone or something) into a situation in which there is a danger of loss, harm, or failure.

op·press

Keep (someone) in subservience and hardship, especially by the unjust exercise of authority.

tar·nish

Lose or cause to lose luster, especially as a result of exposure to air or moisture.

prej·u·dice

Preconceived opinion that is not based on reason or actual experience

no·to·ri·ous

Famous or well known, typically for some bad quality or deed.

balk

Hesitate or be unwilling to accept an idea or undertaking.

de·fi·ance

Open resistance; bold disobedience.

spe·cious

Superficially plausible, but actually wrong.

crack·down

Severe measures to restrict or discourage undesirable or illegal people or behavior.

stem

Originate in or be caused by.

le·thal

Sufficient to cause death.

strive

Make great efforts to achieve or obtain something.

com·pla·cent

Showing smug or uncritical satisfaction with oneself or one's achievements.

cling·ing

(of a garment) fitting closely to the body and showing its shape.

squan·der

Waste (something, especially money or time) in a reckless and foolish manner.

grimly

In a grim implacable manner; "he was grimly satisfied"

dis·serv·ice

A harmful action.

BUSINESS STANDARD:  Jat stir: Unemployment is the real problem

The government's apparent willingness to capitulate to violent protesters from the Jat community in Haryana is unfortunate. It has been reported that, after Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh met some leaders of the protest, the Centre agreed to set up a committee to examine the demand, and that the Haryana state government - also led by the Bharatiya Janata Party - would introduce a Bill to grant Jats the status of Other Backward Classes (OBC) in the state. This followed an agitation in which legislators' houses were burnt down, trains and trucks were attacked, highways in and out of Delhi cut off, and a canal that supplied water to Delhi taken over. The state administration's response has been dilatory and confused. Eventually the Army was called out, and the canal is reported to have been secured, with Delhi's water supply expected to be restored soon. The agitation refused to peter out on Monday, with several roads into Delhi blocked, including National Highway 1. Over the 11 days of the agitation, at least 11 people have died and 150 have been injured.

Giving in to such demands when expressed with violence sets an unfortunate precedent. The Jat community in Haryana is locally dominant, with strong presence in politics and control of many local institutions like panchayats, and should not normally be seen as a candidate for quotas. Naturally, its local dominance permits it to challenge the forces of the state more effectively than genuinely marginalised communities. Such open confrontation with the forces of law and order should not be rewarded with an apparent victory. This is doubly important because the Jats are not alone in agitating for OBC status and the benefits in government employment that it provides. Of late, other such locally dominant land-owning castes and communities across the country have agitated for this status. Gujarat was brought to its knees last year by a protest led on behalf of the Patidar community, generally called Patels. Like the Jats, Patidars are extremely influential in local and state politics. Similarly, earlier this year the state of Andhra Pradesh was rocked by violence by the Kapu community, another locally powerful land-owning caste, demanding inclusion in the backward classes list in the state.

It is clear that a common rationale must lie behind such seemingly similar demands - one that is born of similar economic transformations in such socially disparate regions. Land-owning castes have struggled with the fragmentation of land holdings. Although, by some estimates, only 10 per cent of Jats in Haryana are landless, fragmentation means that each land-owning family has less of an asset than it did a generation ago. Meanwhile, other communities have prospered in the modern economy, upending the rural hierarchy and challenging the Jats' or the Patidars' local supremacy. And the jobs that the private sector was supposed to create in order to replace farming have not materialised in full measure - and where they have, locally dominant castes may feel that they have not been able to corner them to the extent that they deserved. This underlines the need to expand employment opportunities in rural and semi-urban areas - which means the pro-industry reform agenda must not be abandoned. But till those jobs materialise, giving in to violent demands is a dangerous route to take.

ap·par·ent

Clearly visible or understood; obvious.

ca·pit·u·late

Cease to resist an opponent or an unwelcome demand; surrender.

dil·a·to·ry

Slow to act.

prec·e·dent

An earlier event or action that is regarded as an example or guide to be considered in subsequent similar circumstances.

dis·pa·rate

Essentially different in kind; not allowing comparison.

up·end

Set or turn (something) on its end or upside down.

a·ban·don

Give up completely (a course of action, a practice, or a way of thinking).

INDIAN EXPRESS: Back off

Umar Khalid, Anirban Bhattacharya, Riyazul Haq, Rama Naga, Anant Prakash and Ashutosh Kumar, gone missing since February 12 after JNUSU president Kanhaiya Kumar was arrested for “sedition”, and also named in the case, spent their first night back on campus surrounded by fellow students who kept an all-night vigil, while the police waited outside the gates. In this moment of pause, the police must ask itself a question: Just where is it going? The facts are these: The charges against Kanhaiya and others, flimsy to begin with, were based on a video, cited in the FIR, whose veracity is in serious question. Delhi Police chief B.S. Bassi has said the onus is on the students “to present evidence of their innocence”, but surely Bassi is not serious. It cannot be that the police chief is actually overturning the fundamental principle of criminal jurisprudence — that you are innocent till proven guilty? The unprecedented exertions of Delhi Police so far — it has questioned at least 50 people, including professors and journalists, in the last 10 days, to trace the whereabouts of one of the missing students — have already made it look like a misguided, if not malign, force. At the JNU gates, it must decide to cut its losses, beat a retreat, lest it should disgrace itself further.

It is not just Delhi Police that needs to pause, and reconsider. At a farmers’ rally in western Odisha on Sunday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke of “conspiracies” hatched every day to “finish and defame” him. This was happening, he suggested, because his government had asked NGOs for details of their “foreign funding”. Which NGOs was the PM speaking of? And does he see the turbulence in JNU as one of the many “storms of protest” his government has been engulfed by, because “these people ganged up against me”? Where is the evidence for that? And what is the way out? The PM must tell the nation whether or not he thinks there is a “foreign hand” at work to destabilise his government. In any case, the entire JNU controversy has been marked by an “us and them” rhetoric from the top echelons of this government vis-a-vis young university students. There has been no effort to reach out to them, to play the elder, to be firm but also compassionate.

On Monday, addressing the Centenary Year Convocation of Banaras Hindu University in Varanasi, the PM spoke of the importance of “jigyasa”, curiosity. “The student in us has to be alive always,” he said. Cut to JNU, where on Sunday night, a hounded student was forced to say: “My name is Umar Khalid but I am not a terrorist.” The dissonance is tragic.

Back off

to ​stop being ​involved in a ​situation, usually in ​order to ​allowother ​people to ​deal with it themselves

vig·il

A period of keeping awake during the time usually spent asleep, especially to keep watch or pray.

ve·rac·i·ty

Conformity to facts; accuracy.

o·nus

Used to refer to something that is one's duty or responsibility.

un·prec·e·dent·ed

Never done or known before.

ex·er·tion

Physical or mental effort.

where·a·bouts

Where or approximately where.

ma·lign

Evil in nature or effect; malevolent.

re·treat

(of an army) withdraw from enemy forces as a result of their superior power or after a defeat.

tur·bu·lence

Violent or unsteady movement of air or water, or of some other fluid.

ech·e·lon

A level or rank in an organization, a profession, or society.

com·pas·sion·ate

Feeling or showing sympathy and concern for others.

hound

Harass, persecute, or pursue relentlessly.

dis·so·nance

Lack of harmony among musical notes.

THE NEWYORK TIMES:  Why Are White Death Rates Rising?

IT’S disturbing and puzzling news: Death rates are rising for white, less-educated Americans. The economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton reportedin December that rates have been climbing since 1999 for non-Hispanic whites age 45 to 54, with the largest increase occurring among the least educated. An analysis of death certificates by The New York Times found similar trends and showed that the rise may extend to white women.

Both studies attributed the higher death rates to increases in poisonings and chronic liver disease, which mainly reflect drug overdoses and alcohol abuse, and to suicides. In contrast, death rates fell overall for blacks and Hispanics.

Why are whites overdosing or drinking themselves to death at higher rates than African-Americans and Hispanics in similar circumstances? Some observers have suggested that higher rates of chronic opioid prescriptionscould be involved, along with whites’ greater pessimism about their finances.

Yet I’d like to propose a different answer: what social scientists call reference group theory. The term “reference group” was pioneered by the social psychologist Herbert H. Hyman in 1942, and the theory wasdeveloped by the Columbia sociologist Robert K. Merton in the 1950s. It tells us that to comprehend how people think and behave, it’s important to understand the standards to which they compare themselves.

How is your life going? For most of us, the answer to that question means comparing our lives to the lives our parents were able to lead. As children and adolescents, we closely observed our parents. They were our first reference group.

And here is one solution to the death-rate conundrum: It’s likely that many non-college-educated whites are comparing themselves to a generation that had more opportunities than they have, whereas many blacks and Hispanics are comparing themselves to a generation that had fewer opportunities.

When whites without college degrees look back, they can often remember fathers who were sustained by the booming industrial economy of postwar America. Since then, however, the industrial job market has slowed significantly. The hourly wages of male high school graduates declined by 14 percent from 1973 to 2012, according to analysis of data from the Economic Policy Institute. Although high school educated white women haven’t experienced the same major reversal of the job market, they may look at their husbands — or, if they are single, to the men they choose not to marry — and reason that life was better when they were growing up.

African-Americans, however, didn’t get a fair share of the blue-collar prosperity of the postwar period. They may look back to a time when discrimination deprived their parents of equal opportunities. Many Hispanics may look back to the lower standard of living their parents experienced in their countries of origin. Whites are likely to compare themselves to a reference group that leads them to feel worse off. Blacks and Hispanics compare themselves to reference groups that may make them feel better off.

The sociologist Timothy Nelson and I observed this phenomenon in interviews with high-school-educated young adult men in 2012 and 2013. A 35-year-old white man who did construction jobs said, “It’s much harder for me as a grown man than it was for my father.” He remembered his father saying that back when he was 35, “‘I had a house and I had five kids or four kids.’ You know, ‘Look where I was at.’ And I’m like, ‘Well, Dad, things have changed.’”

African-American men were more upbeat. One said: “I think there are better opportunities now because first of all, the economy’s changing. The color barrier is not as harsh as it was back then.” In addition, national surveys show striking racial and ethnic differences in satisfaction with one’s social standing relative to one’s parents. The General Social Survey conducted by the research organization NORC at the University of Chicago has asked Americans in its biennial surveys to compare their standard of living to that of their parents. In 2014, according to my analysis, among 25- to 54-year-olds without college degrees, blacks and Hispanics were much more positive than whites: 67 percent of African-Americans and 68 percent of Hispanics responded “much better” or “somewhat better,” compared with 47 percent of whites.

Those figures represent a reversal from 2000, when whites were more positive than blacks, 64 percent to 60 percent. (Hispanics were the most positive in nearly all years.)

But we size ourselves up based on more than just our parents. White workers historically have compared themselves against black workers, taking some comfort in seeing a group that was doing worse than them. Now, however, the decline of racial restrictions in the labor market and the spread of affirmative action have changed that. Non-college-graduate whites in the General Social Survey are more likely to agree that “conditions for black people have improved” than are comparable blacks themselves, 68 percent to 53 percent.

Reference group theory explains why people who have more may feel that they have less. What matters is to whom you are comparing yourself. It’s not that white workers are doing worse than African-Americans or Hispanics.

In the fourth quarter of 2015, the median weekly earnings of white men aged 25 to 54 were $950, well above the same figure for black men ($703) and Hispanic men ($701). But for some whites — perhaps the ones who account for the increasing death rate — that may be beside the point. Their main reference group is their parents’ generation, and by that standard they have little to look forward to and a lot to lament.

His·pan·ic

Of or relating to Spain or to Spanish-speaking countries, especially those of Latin America.

co·nun·drum

A confusing and difficult problem or question.

de·prived

Suffering a severe and damaging lack of basic material and cultural benefits

worse off.

poorer or in a more ​difficult ​situation:

upbeat

 ​full of ​hope, ​happiness, and good ​feelings

la·ment

A passionate expression of grief or sorrow.

The Dawn: Poor state of health

ONE of the most dismal numbers to come out of Pakistan is the paltry allocation of budgetary resources to health.

The figure stands below 0.7pc of GDP, both provincial and federal combined, and is among the smallest expenditure heads in the budget.

Even for a country known for its misallocation of resources, the smallness of this number is staggering, especially when we consider the kind of health emergencies that plague the land.

From diseases such as polio, TB and hepatitis, to malnutrition among a large proportion of the population, to high infant and child mortality rates — among the highest in the region — Pakistan shoulders some of the world’s biggest health-related burdens. How then do we justify such meagre resource allocation to the health sector?

Economic surveys that are the government’s own telling of the health story show that the myriad programmes being run in the health sector are the authorities’ response to the challenge.

Data is presented on the availability of food, which, apparently, is sufficient to handle the nutritional needs of the entire country.

The availability of cereal, pulses and milk has only increased over the past five years. However, the data on calorie intake shows a deterioration, with 22pc of our population in the undernourishment category and in the same league as countries that are food deficient.

Lack of food then is not the issue; the problem is how the food that is available is allocated, whether through market mechanisms that are highly distorted by speculative interests or through an ineffective, corrupt government.

The story is the same whether one looks at hospitals and medicines, or access to doctors. In general terms as well, both the centre and the provinces are more geared towards serving the interests of the rich, through the construction of roads and bridges, than of the poor.

Public-sector spending on health, which is the mainstay for meeting the health requirements of the poor, is a dismal 0.7pc of GDP as mentioned above. But when one adds private-sector spending, the figure jumps to 2.8pc of GDP; this is four times what is spent on the poor.

This shows that whatever allocation of resources to the health sector there is in the country, most of it is through private healthcare providers that serve the interests of those with more money.

It is no exaggeration to say that the poor have been left to their own devices while the rich have built for themselves a comfortable world where all basic needs are amply catered for, and sealed away behind a wall of high prices.

The state of public health in the country paints a truly dismal picture, especially when it comes to the skewed manner of the allocation of available resources.

dis·mal

Depressing; dreary

pal·try

(of an amount) small or meager.

stag·ger

Walk or move unsteadily, as if about to fall.

mea·ger

(of something provided or available) lacking in quantity or quality.

myr·i·ad

A countless or extremely great number.

ex·ag·ger·a·tion

A statement that represents something as better or worse than it really is.

amply

To an ample degree or in an ample manner; "these voices were amply represented"; "we benefited richly"

ca·ter

Provide food and drink, typically at social events and in a professional capacity.

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