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FINANCIAL EXPRESS: The making of China’s ‘paramount’ leader
Just three years into power,
China’s President Xi Jinping (Xi is pronounced “Shee”) has captured global
imagination like no other leader in the recent past—foisted खड़ा
with approbations प्रशंसा ranging from “Big Brother
Xi” to “Uncle Xi” to “Daddy Xi”, to those less complimentary मानार्थ—“CEO Xi”—China’s CEO of
Everything.
China Hands are watching with batedग़ुस्सा breath as Xi has this year in hand before a
plungeडुबकी
into the drama of the critical 19th Party Congress (the Party Congress is held
every five years), scheduled to be held in 2017. While an assessment
मूल्यांकन of
Xi may be too prematureसमयपूर्व—unconnected, unrelated events in China and outside such
as the “disappearance” of the editor Lee Bo in Hong Kong, indication of several
high-level officials in China due to corruption and the backlash प्रतिक्रिया of
opinion against China in Taiwan following a public apology by a Taiwanese
teenager ratifying पुष्टि करना
“There is only one China” are ominous अशुभ
signs.
First, the recent spotlight
on the spateबौछाड़
of “disappearances” in Hong Kong—the sudden disappearance of the
well-known publisher by the name of Lee Bo, editor at the publishing house
Mighty Current, in Hong Kong (in January 2016) comes on the heelsएड़ी of
the serial disappearances of staff members associated with the publishing
house. In October 2015, two co-owners, Gui Minhai (who is a Swedish citizen)
and Lu Bo, disappeared in Thailand and Shenzhen, respectively.
Mighty Current owns Causeway
Bay Books and is known to churn out मंथन less-than-credibleविश्वसनीय
books with a thin storyline about China’s Communist Party leaders, often
boasting डींग मारना
overly sensationalसंवेदनात्मक and salaciousऐयाश
titles. Some sampler titles are: Secrets of Wives of Chinese Communist Party
Officials, Jiang Zemin Under House Arrest and Xi Jinping to Collapse in 2017. A
journalist with Singapore’s Straits Times suggests that most buyers for these
books emanateउद्भव होना not
from Hong Kong but mainland China. Ironicallyविडंबना यह है कि, it
seems censorshipसेन्सर व्यवस्था
whets तेज करना
appetiteभूख on
the low-down of socialist life.
It is widely rumoured अफवाह
that a book on Xi’s private life was in the offingसमुद्र का किनारा—necessitating the
disappearances—that too in Hong Kong, ruled under the rubricशीर्ष of
“one party, two systems”.
What lies behind the
disappearances? And is the “disappearance” in Hong Kong, in effect, an
extensionविस्तार of what is happening within
China?
Xi’s ascent चढ़ाई as
“paramountऊंचे दर्जे का” leader has come on the back
on two campaigns—“anti-corruption”, which is viewed very positively by the
people, and “channel public opinion”. Both are concerted सम्मिलित
steps to bring back ideologicalविचारधारा
focus that has gone into decline and address rising corruption. However, both
have had unanticipatedअप्रत्याशित and unintended
अनायास
consequences by way of “disappearances” and “public apology क्षमायाचना”. So also a clampdown शिकंजा कसना on
the internet and the arrest of several high-level officials—to the point of
bureaucraticनौकरशाही paralysisपक्षपात.
“Channelling
public opinion” ostensibly जाहिरा तौर पर for
nation building is traced to Xi’s August 19, 2013, speech at the National
Ideological विचारधारा Work Conference in Beijing,
an “important speech of 19th August”. Both Global Times and People’s Daily
interpreted Xi’s speech of “the struggle for public opinion” so as to
“effectively channel public opinion”.
Has this degradedअपमानित to “disappearances” is the question on
everybody’s lips. Though the disappearance of editor Lee Bo made global
headlines, many bemoan रोना that the same has been
happening in China. The disappearances of several high-profile lawyers in China
is well-known. This includes many lawyers of Fengrui Law Firm, prominent प्रसिद्ध
among whom is the female lawyer, Wang Yu, who was formally arrested on January
8, 2016. Well-known civil rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang was detained हिरासत में लिया in
May and charged in June 2014—among others, lawyer Xu Zhiyong who headed the New
Citizens Movement (arrested in August 2013), lawyer Cao Shunli (who died in
detention in March 2014), labour activist Lin Dong (charged in April 2014),
journalist Xiang Nanfu (detained in May 2014) and writer Tie Lu (charged in
September 2014).
“Public
apologies” have made a comeback in China. In an unprecedented बेमिसाल
step, the CCTV has been airingवायु-सेवन
“public apologies” since 2013. Many confessionalsस्वीकारोक्ति
have been aired—with despondents हताश
wearing orange prison-vests and yellow prison-vests—leading to the popular
acronym “orange is the new black”. Actor Jackie Chan’s son Jaycee Chan and
Jaycee’s friend Ko Chen-tung (both actors) were arrested in a drug bustअर्ध-प्रतिमा—a remorsefulपछतावा से पूर्ण Ko appeared on TV lamenting विलापी his
experimentation with drugs.
Clampdownशिकंजा कसना on the internet is also rising. China’s
online population—the world’s largest, over 600 million at the last count—has
seen strayआवारा incidents of rumour-mongeringबेचनेवाला.
Taking preventive action, popular bloggers such as Charles Xue (known as Xue
Manzi) and Wang Gongquan—both otherwise called the two “Big V’s” with verified
accounts on the micro-blog Weibo—have been done in. Xue had 12 million
followers and Wang had 1.5 million. Beijing later clarified that Xue had been
arrested for “soliciting प्रार्थना prostitutes” and not
for his popularity with netizens. Analysts scoff उपहास
this, saying that discussion on both Weibo and Weixin (China’s WeChat) has been
tightened.
Many have stepped in to में कदम रखा
warn of the downside. Journalist Qian Gang of the China Media Project at the
University of Hong Kong warned of the consequences परिणामों of
the haphazardअव्यवस्थित “public opinion struggle”
in an article titled Parsing the ‘public opinion struggle’. Qian argued that
the sword of the “public opinion struggle”, which once was turned “against the
West, against religious cultsसंप्रदायों and
against separatism”, was now being turned “against domestic intellectuals and
ordinary internet users”.
Another dramatic upheaval उथल-पुथल is
China’s anti-corruption drive to net “tigers and flies”. More than 182,000
party officials and 30 high-level officials—the so-called “tigers”—have been
nettedधोखा खड़ा करना. In
an unprecedented अभूतपूर्व step, the ancient
tradition of sending Imperialशाही envoys दूत to
provinces has been revived. Since 2013, several inspection teams have been
despatchedभेजना to provinces and state corporations.
The campaign and the inspection teams have not spared क्षमा करना
even senior PLA Generals (such as Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong), political heavyweights
(former security czar Zhou Yongkang and ex-railway minister Liu Zhijun) and top
aides (Ling Jihua, former President Hu Jintao’s right-hand man and General Jia
Tingan, secretary and right-hand man of former President Jiang Zemin), who have
reportedlyकथित तौर पर been taken into custody.
What does the above tell us
about China’s political landscape?
One, China’s political
landscape is undergoingके दौर से गुजर
tremendous भयानक upheaval and change—some for the good.
Two, there is the clear resurgence पुनरुत्थान,
once more, of the “paramount” or “pre-eminent पूर्वप्रतिष्ठित” leader in China—a departure
and setback to the practice of “collective leadership” that had emerged in the
post-Deng Xiaoping (1978-89) period. Mao (1949-76) was China’s “great helmsmanकर्णधार”; successorवारिस
Deng Xiaoping ruled behind-the-scenes despite formally stepping downनीचे उतरना
from formal positions of power in 1989 until his death in 1997.
The post-Deng consensusआम सहमति
marked the transition परिवर्तनकाल to “collective
leadership” or “collective rule”—a political landscape marked by competition
between several eliteसमाज का उत्कृष्ट भाग factions दल in
the Communist Party such as Shanghai gang and Communist Youth League, leading
observers to call such a dispensation व्यवस्था as
“fragmentedखंडित authoritarianism” with leadership
succession narrowly “institutionalised” (with limits on term and age).
What distinguishes Xi from
his predecessors is donningधारण all “three
hats”—party (as General Secretary), state (President of the People’s Republic)
and military (Chairman of the Central Military Commission) swiftly—as well as
heading several supra-governmental bodies called Leading Groups which has led
to an increase in power.
Semi-permanent
bodies—Leading Groups—have been established to cut through bureaucratic morassदलदल.
According to China watcher Geremie Barme, Xi has “more titles and formal powers
than any leader in the five generations of party leadership since the 1940s,
including Mao”. Xi now heads five of the most important Leading Groups—which
has undercutकाटकर अलग कर देना the
traditional importance of the Premier.
Three, the comprehensive व्यापक
“anti-corruption” drive may create paralysis and enemies—what with bureaucrats,
cadre and the military constantly under watch. The ramifications असर of
the drive are yet to unfold.
On top of all this, it is
well-known that what happens in Hong Kong (for example, “disappearance”) is
keenly followed by Taiwan. However, when it happens to Taiwan itself is a
double whammy मार झेल.
The “public” apology that came from a 16-year-old Taiwanese wannabe K-pop
singer Chou Tzu-yu from the Twice rock band, right on election day, helped
further swing public opinion in Taiwan towards the Taiwanese opposition
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and helped Tsai Ing-Wen (DPP) win
resoundingly (56%) over the Beijing-friendly Kuomintang Party (KMT) candidate
Eric Chu (31%). Ominous for China, this also indicates the pull (or the lack
of) the “one country, two systems” dream that China has for Taiwan’s “return”.
Xi has set out to fashion
the China Dream of a “moderately prosperous society” by 2020. Certainly, Xi has
left no stone unturned as China has embarkedशुरू on
its 13th Five Year Plan (2016-20) guided by principles called Four
Comprehensives—prosperity, deepening reform, rule of law and party discipline.
However, with the economy
slowing down and hitting prosperity, “disappearances” contradicting विरोध
rule of law, bureaucratic inertiaजड़ता and
paralysis affecting reform, and rampantअनियंत्रित
corruption pointing to lack of party discipline—Xi’s ambitious dream is
probably hitting too many bricks in the wall.
Viswanath is a
Singapore-based Sinologist चीनी भाषा का पंडित and
adjunctसहायक
fellow at the Institute of Chinese Studies, New Delhi. She is the author of
Finding India in CHINA .
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ReplyDeleteyes bro,,keep reading,,, daily read kro,, bahut fayda hoga,, :)
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