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The Guardian
view on the refugee crisis:
dial down the rhetoric
भाषणगत, and have the difficult debate वाद विवाद
भाषणगत, and have the difficult debate वाद विवाद
Of course we condemn निंदा करना the violence…”. Muslim voices in every
debate have, for some time, had to establish their right to be heard in this
way.
Question one of the interview script rarely applies the same legitimacy असलियत test to others. But
since the dreadful
डरावना
New Year’s Eve sex attacks in Cologne खुशबू , it has begun to
feel as if anybody making the case for a humane दयालु asylum शरण-स्थान policy – whose urgency was laid bare ख़ाली on Friday, after
another 45 people drowned डूब कर मरने वाला in the Aegean –
is duty bound to preface
भूमिका लिखना every point with
several “of courses”. Yes, of course, women should be able to walk the streets
without being attacked. Yes, of course, sexual assault must be pursued अनुसरण करना with the full force of the law. And
yes, of course, it is appalling घटिया how women are oppressed उत्पीड़ित in many Middle
Eastern societies.
Well, yes. Of course. The important
question is where this trail खोज leads, and the signs
are not heartening
प्रशंसा करना. The French
prime minister, Manuel Valls – in an intervention which mentioned Cologne,
without explaining why it was pertinent उपयुक्त – has just laid out
his intention to retain indefinitely a state of emergency, where the house
arrest powers are aimed more at some communities than others. The traditionally
hospitable मेहमान नवाज़ Swedes have been seeking to draw
up the bridge over the Öresund, while the Danes have been drawing up
rules to swipe
घुमा कर किया प्रहार
immigrants देशान्तरवासी’ possessions जायदाद at the border. David
Cameron, meanwhile
इस समय में, has been trumpeting ढिंढोरा पीटना a new interest in the inadequate English
not of immigrants in general, but of Muslim women in particular. By placing
that issue in the context of counter-terrorism and repatriation स्वदेश भेजना, he did more to stoke mutual distrust शक than to foster प्रोत्साहित करना real integration.
Mr Cameron also flexed झुकना his “muscular मजबूत liberalism उदार दल के सिद्धांत” with a fresh foray
आक्रमण into the reliably
inflammatory भड़कानेवाला question of the veil परदा . It is not so long
since such selective feminism नारी अधिकारवाद provided a
pretext कपट for bombing
Afghanistan, but it is especially distasteful अप्रीतिकर for Mr Cameron to be
hamming अस्वाभाविक अभिनय करनाup culture clashes संघर्ष just now because
Britain has declined to take its fair share of the people displaced in the
current crisis, and so does not confront आमना सामना करा देना the same practical
questions of integration as the likes of Germany. In such states, the pressure
to discuss “migrant crime”, as if it were something entirely different from the
crime Europe has always known, can at least be understood. But this is terrain इलाक़ा where fact and
fiction काल्पनिक can easily get
muddled अव्यवस्थित. Even if there turn
out to be distinctive patterns in the sorts of crime reported, condemnation निन्दा shorn of
understanding will not get us far.
In trying to make sense of the horrors
of Cologne वासव-सलिल, where over 200 women reported being
sexually assaulted आक्रमण करना in a public space, some will wave a
hand and decry
दोष लगाना a supposedly alien
Muslim culture, which Christendom naively सीधा-सादा welcomed in. But they explain nothing.
They ignore the innocence of the overwhelming कुचल डालने वाला
majority of the migrants, as they selectively dredge up उल्लेख करना those aspects of Sharia law which
seem most at odds with feminism. Theological आध्यात्मविद्या संबंधी justifications for crime are in any
case much less important than social conditions and the hope of impunity छुटकारा . So rather than
explore that dead end गतिरोध, it is more fruitful
to dig into research about the conditions which encourage young men to behave
appallingly भयावह रूप से
in all sorts of cultures and contexts. The research, for example, which
nails a connection between risky and brutish पशुवत् male behaviour and
the gender imbalance
असन्तुलन wrought बनाया हुआ by selective abortion in India and
China, an imbalance less extreme than that in many of the migrant camps. And the
studies, too, which elucidate स्पष्ट करना the connection, traditionally familiar
from the football terraces कगार, between violence
and the crowd.
Once we have clarity on the social
risks thrown up by displaced populations living in rather hopeless conditions,
the solutions begin to suggest themselves – the jobs and the housing which
might give isolated young men a route into society. Europeans also need to face
up to, and then fix, those policies that have alienated विमुख, rather than
integrated. The French education minister, Najat Vallaud-Belkacem, showed the
way this week, when she told the Guardian that the republic’s
secularism needs to be rescued and recast, after a period in which it has been
twisted into a weapon to attack minorities. And then, yes, there is also a need
to ensure that migrants, wherever they may come from, are informed about their
new society and its laws. The sort of courses being offered to new arrivals in
Norway and Finland might be considered here. Do economic hope, education and
mutual respect sound like the principles for managing community relations in
challenging times? Well yes, of course.
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