#everydayquiz #TheHindu #indianExpress #businessStandard #guardian #dawn
The Hindu:Not quite Congress’s 1977 moment
The new turn in a
long-pending case involving allegations of misuse of funds of the Indian
National Congress to buy Associated Journals Ltd (AJL), a firm that published
the National Herald, a now defunct publication linked to the party, has put the
spotlight on the Gandhis. For, between them, Sonia and Rahul Gandhi are the
main shareholders of Young Indian Pvt Ltd (YIL), the Section 25 company of
which AJL is now a subsidiary. The charge is that the Gandhis, along with other
directors of YIL, “fraudulently” acquired assets, largely AJL-owned countrywide
real estate. The Congress’s defence is that YIL is a charitable company and
that none of its directors has made any profit — in short, that they hold it in
trust for the party both for charitable purposes and to restart a newspaper.
The Congress has sought to project the legal proceedings as an instance of
political persecution by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, by linking it to
Subramanian Swamy, who pursued the case. The BJP-led government at the Centre, on
its part, has tried to distance itself from the issue, stressing it is part of
the judicial process in which it has no hand. Whatever the motivations, if any,
the case must now necessarily be settled in court, and the Congress needs to
fight it legally. Even so, the National Herald case has today indisputably
acquired a political dimension.
With Sonia and Rahul
Gandhi’s appearance in court on Saturday, the Congress is seeking to revive
memories of the arrest of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in October 1977
on charges of abuse of power brought forward under the Janata Party government.
That became something of a defining moment of Indira Gandhi’s stint out of
power, and she used it to mobilise her defeated party and revive sympathy for
the Congress amongst the people, heralding a political comeback. Today, in the
party, even though there is agreement that the National Herald case has acted
“as a catalyst for party workers to be activated”, very few as yet believe that
it is enough to set it on a path of revival. For that, the entire Congress
organisation has to be overhauled, a new and vigorous leadership installed in
the States to revive moribund units, and a clear strategy articulated, with a
comprehensive national vision and purposeful plan for Parliament. Even the
decision on whether Sonia Gandhi will be replaced as president of the party by
Rahul Gandhi is on hold, ensuring that the uncertainty in the party continues.
The show of party solidarity with the Gandhis when they appeared at Delhi’s Patiala
House court was evidently genuine, drawing from a feeling that the future of
the Gandhis is inextricably linked to the future of the Congress. It would be
unfortunate, however, if the Congress party expended too much political capital
on this and restricted its mobilisation to the case against its president and
vice-president. Not only were the specifics of the charges against Indira
Gandhi in 1977 different, that was a different news ecosystem. The half-life of
a political opportunity is now much shorter
de·funct
No longer existing or
functioning.
stint
Supply an ungenerous
or inadequate amount of (something).
cat·a·lyst
A substance that
increases the rate of a chemical reaction without itself undergoing any
permanent chemical change.
o·ver·haul
Take apart (a piece of
machinery or equipment) in order to examine it and repair it if necessary.
mor·i·bund
(of a person) at the
point of death.
inextricably
In an inextricable
manner; "motives inspired by Mammon were often inextricably blended with
things pertaining to Caesar and to God"
The Hindu: December
21, 2015 00:45 IST
Justice that is
rehabilitative
A mature society will
not give in to popular clamour and overturn sound legal principles and social
norms that underpin its justice system. The popular outrage over the release of
a juvenile convict in the December 2012 Delhi gang rape case after a three-year
term in a Special Home is understandable, but it is just plainly wrong to
demand that his detention should continue. It is a misplaced view that
juveniles who fell only a few months short of adulthood in the eye of law and
were convicted for heinous crimes such as murder and rape should be tried as
adults. Nor is it legally tenable to argue that an ‘unreformed’ convict should
not be released back into society on completion of the maximum permissible
stint in a home for juveniles in conflict with law. In fact, child-convicts
growing into adulthood while being kept in a reformatory institution are ripe
for rehabilitation. It will be a greater crime to force them to spend further
time in special homes or put them in prison along with adult criminals. It is futile
now to seek to establish that the former juvenile released now was the most
brutal among the group that committed the gang rape. To say this is not to lose
one’s sympathy for the grieving parents of the young rape victim who
subsequently died. None can afford to forget the crime that brought forth an
unprecedented outpouring of anger and made the whole country introspect about
the way it treats its women.
The Delhi High Court
has taken the correct view by refusing to stay the convict’s release. It has
taken note of the provisions for post-release rehabilitation, especially
through an individual care plan for his reintegration with society. The
Juvenile Justice Board should also receive quarterly follow-up reports for two
years from the child welfare officer, probation officer or the NGO concerned.
Claims that the stay in the Special Home had had no effect on him and that he
had been ‘radicalised’ during his confinement in the Special Home appear to be
desperate arguments by an unconvinced society to stall his release. Children
fall foul of the law mainly because of neglect, abuse and poverty. There are no
innate human propensities that magically transform cherubic children into
unregenerate criminals beyond redemption. The whole object of juvenile law in
India is to preserve the scope for rehabilitation and prevent recidivism. There
is a pending Bill in Parliament that seeks to carve out a separate category of
child offenders in the age group of 16 to 18 involved in heinous crimes and
transfer them to regular criminal courts. It would be a retrograde step to
enact this provision, even though other clauses in the Bill contain many
progressive aspects for children in need of care and protection. It is the
wider society that will really benefit from rehabilitative justice for child
offenders and their transition to responsible adulthood.
rehabilitative
Designed to accomplish
rehabilitation; "from a penal to a rehabilitative philosophy"-
J.B.Costello; "rehabilitative treatment"
clam·or
A loud and confused noise,
especially that of people shouting vehemently
o·ver·turn
Tip (something) over
so that it is on its side or upside down.
un·der·pin
Support (a building or
other structure) from below by laying a solid foundation below ground level or
by substituting stronger for weaker materials.
out·rage
An extremely strong
reaction of anger, shock, or indignation
de·ten·tion
The action of
detaining someone or the state of being detained in official custody,
especially as a political prisoner.
ju·ve·nile
A young person.
hei·nous
(of a person or
wrongful act, especially a crime) utterly odious or wicked.
ten·a·ble
Able to be maintained
or defended against attack or objection.
stint
Supply an ungenerous
or inadequate amount of (something).
fu·tile
Incapable of producing
any useful result; pointless.
un·prec·e·dent·ed
Never done or known
before.
out·pour·ing
Something that streams
out rapidly.
foul
Offensive to the
senses, especially through having a disgusting smell or taste or being
unpleasantly soiled.
in·nate
Inborn; natural.
recidivism
Habitual relapse into
crime
carve
Cut (a hard material)
in order to produce an aesthetically pleasing object or design.
ret·ro·grade
Directed or moving
backward.
tran·si·tion
The process or a
period of changing from one state or condition to another.
Business Standard
Cold comfort in
Nairobi
The 10th ministerial
meeting of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) at Nairobi essentially failed to
strike a much-needed balance between the interests of developing and developed
countries in international trade. Uncertainty continues over the fate of the
Doha Development Agenda (DDA), which aims broadly at facilitating greater
participation of developing countries in global commerce. The Nairobi
declaration does vow the continuation of the Doha round of talks that began in
2001; but the assurance to this effect is not unqualified. The declaration
makes it a point to state that many WTO members (read developed countries) do
not reaffirm their support for the Doha mandate as they believe that new
approaches are necessary for the success of multilateralism in cross-border
commerce. Unsurprisingly, India has lost little time in expressing its
disappointment at the outcome of the Nairobi ministerial meeting. Many of its
concerns have not been addressed. The only solace for New Delhi is that the
status quo on some issues it considers critical, including the "peace
clause" for food stock holding, has not been disturbed. This arrangement
binds other countries to refrain from challenging India's foodgrains
procurement operations at minimum support prices and stock holding for the
public distribution system, till this issue is finally resolved.
At Nairobi, a decision
was taken to end export subsidies for agriculture. But the larger question of
farm subsidies remains open. Total farm and food subsidies in India in 2014,
for instance, amounted to about $40 billion, whereas these were $59 billion in
the European Union and $86 billion in the US - if $12 billion support to
farmers and $74 billion in the form of food stamp income support are included.
Going by the findings of a study conducted by the Geneva-based International
Centre for Sustainable Development, the US cotton subsidy in 2014 resulted in lowering
global cotton prices by nearly seven per cent, causing losses to cotton growers
and exporters in Africa and India.
Another vital issue
that remained only nominally addressed at Nairobi related to "special
safeguards mechanisms". These are meant to curb sudden increases in
imports of commodities, which could hurt domestic agricultural interests.
Developing countries, including India, have long demanded substantial
safeguards of this nature, arguing that they might need to raise tariffs
temporarily to deal with surging imports and a consequent crash in domestic
prices of select commodities. Indian negotiators claim they might need to limit
the inflow of some fruits, especially apples, and dairy as well as poultry
products. The Nairobi declaration has certainly extended the right to
developing countries to use the special safeguards mechanism selectively; but
it has, at the same time, laid down that this issue would be discussed and
reviewed again later on. Thus, on the whole, the outcome of the Nairobi ministerial
meeting, which has been widely welcomed by developed countries, provides only
cold comfort to the developing world.
vow
A solemn promise.
as·sur·ance
A positive declaration
intended to give confidence; a promise.
sol·ace
Comfort or consolation
in a time of distress or sadness.
safe·guard
A measure taken to
protect someone or something or to prevent something undesirable
surge
(of a crowd or a
natural force) move suddenly and powerfully forward or upward.
Indian Express
Shades of grey
The mid-year economic
review presented by Chief Economic Advisor Arvind Subramanian puts up a brave
front by concluding that “prima facie”, economic growth is showing “signs of
steady recovery”, but the data shared in the review paints a sobering picture.
As against a real (after discounting for inflation) GDP growth of 7.5 per cent
in the first half of the last financial year (2014-15), growth clocked just 7.2
per cent in the first half of this fiscal. The review claims that the real GDP
growth for the full financial year 2015-16 will be between 7 and 7.5 per cent.
The outlook for the next financial year, 2016-17, is not any better. To put
these numbers in perspective, consider this: One, the real GDP of the country
in 2013-14 (the last year of the UPA government) was 6.9 per cent. Two, in the
economic survey, presented barely nine months ago, the CEA had given a growth
outlook of 8.1-8.5 per cent for the current fiscal. In other words, not only
has India’s growth decelerated from what it was in the same period of the last
financial year, it is close to what it was around the time the NDA government
took over. But even these headline GDP growth numbers mask the real economic
and, indeed, political challenge that the Narendra Modi government now faces.
The disaggregated data
shared in the review gives what it calls “mixed, sometimes puzzling, signals”
about the health of the economy. For instance, if one looks at the indicators
of finance, a gauge of economic activity, one finds that consumer credit has
picked up, yet “industrial credit has slowed dramatically”. Similarly, while
tax buoyancy is up, the growth of capital good imports, a proxy for the level
of investment, has “decelerated sharply”. Such oddities are likely to further
fuel the suspicion many have had about the veracity of the new GDP data, even
though the CEA has tried to explain the possible reason for the measurement
uncertainty plaguing the new GDP series.
The Indian economy is
doing well for a car with only two wheels running. Compared to the boom years
of 2004-11, neither exports nor private investments are contributing much to
economic growth. As such, the economy is essentially being run on the other two
wheels — private consumption and government expenditure. The trouble is, without
adequate investment coming in soon, the consumption story will falter. The
answer is in reforms that unleash the supply potential, like the GST, simpler
labour laws and easier land acquisition, and in public expenditure in
infrastructure that crowds in private investment. In the absence of these, the
government will soon be forced to compromise on its fiscal deficit targets
prima facia
based on the first
impression; accepted as correct until proved otherwise.
so·ber
Make or become sober
after drinking alcohol.
so·ber
Not affected by
alcohol; not drunk.
gauge
An instrument or
device for measuring the magnitude, amount, or contents of something, typically
with a visual display of such information
buoy·an·cy
The ability or
tendency to float in water or air or some other fluid.
ve·rac·i·ty
Conformity to facts; accuracy.
plague
Cause continual
trouble or distress to
fal·ter
Start to lose strength
or momentum.
un·leash
Release from a leash
or restraint.
The Guardian view
on Beijing’s smog alert: dealing with the symptom not the cause
When Sir Alec
Douglas-Home visited Beijing in 1972, his Chinese hosts greeted the foreign
secretary with a carefully crafted joke about London pea soupers. Replying, Sir
Alec rather snappishly referred to the Clean Air Act of 1956, which he said had
largely ended the problem. The Great Smog of 1952, which was estimated to have
killed at least 4,000 Londoners, had led to a huge effort to clean up the
city’s air. Beijing then was a city of bicycles, narrow alleys and small
courtyards, intersected by broad boulevards on which there was virtually no
motor traffic. These days, it is periodically choked by smog as thick as any
which Charles Dickens recorded, while London has little visible pollution,
although its levels of some dangerous particles remain unacceptably high.
Beijing issued its
most severe air pollution warning for the first time ever three weeks ago. Now
a second “red alert”, which is expected to last until Tuesday, will keep some
cars off the road, close factories and allow school authorities to cancel
classes. Beijing pollution has actually been much worse on previous occasions,
with the government issuing less severe warnings or none at all. Such
inconsistencies and evasions have angered ordinary Chinese. The new red alert
warnings may thus be intended as much to dissipate public mistrust as to
physically dissipate the smog. The measures taken arguably make little
difference to air quality. Rather they are intended to signal to citizens that
the government wants to be seen to be dealing with a problem it has
persistently denied in the past.
It was not so very
long ago that the Chinese authorities were at odds with the United States
embassy for publishing statistics from a weather station the Americans
maintained on the embassy roof – statistics which were anxiously followed by
middle-class Chinese concerned about their health, and particularly the health
of their children. Anger over pollution is now the single most important
political question in China. It is the worm in the bud of Chinese economic
growth. In January 2013, most of north China was shrouded in smog for days, and
the public clamour for action was such that the government had little choice
but to be more open about the issue. Since then, it has tried to respond to
public concern by releasing information about pollution levels while at the
same time trying to convince people that it is doing something tangible about
them. The Chinese are, as a result, much better-informed about the dangers than
they used to be, and much less likely to be fobbed off by short-term measures
such as alerts, which they see as both ineffective and inconvenient. New
smartphone applications and products which allow the individual to measure air
pollution also mean they are much less dependent on public information.
But the fundamental
changes needed to seriously reduce pollution are a very tall order indeed for a
society and a political system which is so heavily invested in an obsolete and
literally dirty economic model. The government is trying to reduce coal use,
but so far the practical emphasis has been on moving things rather than
changing them, and on capping industrial growth rather than transforming its
nature. The long-term plan is for new “megacities” which will ease the strain
on the existing major urban and industrial centres, but there must be a
question over such a strategy, which could end by spreading the problem rather
than solving it. New industry has been capped in Beijing’s neighbouring and
also heavily polluted province of Hebei, yet Beijing factories and wholesale
markets are still being advised to relocate there. Villages on the capital’s
outskirts have been demolished so that the mayoral offices can be transferred
there, a move equivalent to setting down Boris Johnson somewhere out beyond the
M25.
The attempt to reduce
pollution has been helped by the Chinese economic slowdown, which has cut the
consumption of coal, the principal factor in the toxic mix. But there lies the
dilemma for the government. Maintaining economic growth is vital, but so is
containing pollution. Pollution cuts life expectancy, with some studies
suggesting it is five years shorter in northern China than in the south, and
that 1.6 million people die prematurely every year because of it. The Chinese
economy is literally killing the people it is supposed to be benefiting. That
is not a contradiction that can for much longer be glossed over by such
nostrums as telling people to drink more tea, as the Chinese state broadcasting
company did during the first red alert earlier this month.
snappishly
In an ill-natured and
snappish manner; "`Don't talk to me now,' she said snappishly"
boul·e·vard
A wide street in a
town or city, typically one lined with trees.
choke
(of a person or
animal) have severe difficulty in breathing because of a constricted or
obstructed throat or a lack of air.
e·va·sion
The action of evading
something.
em·bas·sy
The official residence
or offices of an ambassador
shroud
Wrap or dress (a body)
in a shroud for burial.
clam·or
A loud and confused
noise, especially that of people shouting vehemently
fob someone or
something off (on or onto someone)
to get rid of someone or something by transferring someone or something to someone
strain
Force (a part of one's
body or oneself) to make a strenuous or unusually great effort.
con·tra·dic·tion
A combination of
statements, ideas, or features of a situation that are opposed to one another.
nos·trum
A medicine, especially
one that is not considered effective, prepared by an unqualified person.
Dawn (pakistan)
Owning the fight against militancy
WHILE some gains have
been made in the battlefield, the fight against militancy may be veering
towards defeat in the more important theatre of hearts and minds.
The recent arrest in
Karachi of four men of highly educated backgrounds, for providing financial
support to and brainwashing the murderers of Safoora Goth shows how far and
deep the mindset of militancy has spread.
The narrative of
militancy is no longer confined only to the madressahs, but has found its way
into mainstream educational institutions, seducing even those who have no
dearth of opportunity and space in society.
The growing number of
cases of involvement in militant violence by individuals with jobs, businesses
and sound educational credentials is cause for deep alarm. It can no longer be
claimed that this is a fight being waged by marginalised segments of society,
nor is it confined to those who never had a place at the table.
It is becoming a
bigger fight to define who we are and what we are fighting for.
And the inability of
the authorities to advance a convincing case in this theatre is what is
fuelling the spread of the militant narrative in all directions.
At the very heart of
this failure to present a case against militancy is the failure to publicly own
and acknowledge the mistakes of the past.
The biggest of these past mistakes was the belief that militants could be used as tools of foreign policy to project power in deniable ways in neighbouring countries.
Until 9/11, militant groups were actively nurtured on Pakistani soil. After 9/11, Gen Musharraf tried to change direction, declaring some of these outfits banned organisations, such as Lashkar-e- Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad. But many members of these groups decided to carry on their fight, with Pakistan and its people as their newest enemies.
The state has failed to explain to the people that a flawed policy was being followed, one that needed correction; as a result of this failure, the perception has spread that the fight is being waged only to please the United States.
The unfortunate result
of this is that all attempts to own the fight and say ‘this is our war’ seem to
lack conviction in the eyes of the wider public, creating widespread confusion
about the war. In that confusion, which engulfs all, the narrative of the
militants and the claim that the state of Pakistan has sold itself to foreign
interests finds fertile ground
To really win this
fight, the confusion needs to be cleared up and the moral high ground
reclaimed; the public needs to be told clearly and convincingly that we are in
this fight because of our own past mistakes and are not fighting simply at the
behest of somebody else. It is a task that must be undertaken soon.
bat·tle·field
The piece of ground on
which a battle is or was fought.
brain·wash
Make (someone) adopt
radically different beliefs by using systematic and often forcible pressure.
militancy
Combativeness: a
militant aggressiveness
dearth
A scarcity or lack of
something.
main·stream
The ideas, attitudes,
or activities that are regarded as normal or conventional; the dominant trend
in opinion, fashion, or the arts.
out·fit
A set of clothes worn
together, typically for a particular occasion or purpose.
flawed
Blemished, damaged, or
imperfect in some way.
en·gulf
(of a natural force)
sweep over (something) so as to surround or cover it completely.
fer·tile
(of soil or land)
producing or capable of producing abundant vegetation or crops.
be·hest
A person's orders or
command.
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